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PJ 1064.S53C62"""™"'' "■''""' 
„ Samuel Sharpe. 

3 1924 026 852 180 





KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., i Paternoster Square 
1883 > ; 







Childhood and School-time 


Business and Family Life . • • 39 

Egyptian Studies . . . . . 60 

Social, Domestic, and Religious Relations ... 77 

Historical and Political Weitings . . loi 

The Five Brothers and their Elder Sister. 129 

The Activities of Middle Age .... 153 

iv Contents. 



Intercourse with Samuel Rogers, Mrss Aikin, and Others 172 

" Labour Physics Pain" . . 193 

Retirement from Business and Use of Money and Leisure 216 

Ten Years of Theological Progress . . . . 236 

The Family Story draws to its End . 265 

The Closing Years ... . . 285 










In the year 1806 an overwhelming domestic 
calamity occurred to a happy middle-class family, 
living in what was then the West-end of London. 
The father was a man of much refinement and 
culture, the friend of Flaxman and Porson, of Opie, 
Shee, and Stothard ; the mother, who was his second 
wife, was the sister of Samuel Rogers the poet. The 
children were young, excepting a daughter of the first 
marriage, who was twenty-three. At the beginning of 
the year they consisted of four boys and a girl, the 
eldest of whom was only nine years old, and the 
youngest two years. The father's business was that of 
a brewer in King Street, Golden Square ; the family 
lived at 10, Nottingham Place, Marylebone. In the 
spring of this fatal year business difficulties pressed 
heavily on the head of the family, and domestic 
trouble came to complicate them. Fever, which was 
the scourge and terror of households in the time of 
our grandfathers, made its. appearance in the house. 
The little girl, then five years old, and a boy of 
three were successively attacked, and in the absence 


2 Parentage. [Ch. I. 

of the elder half-sister from home the whole stress 
of devoted and exclusive attendance upon them fell 
on their mother. She would not spoil her step- 
daughter's holiday by telling her of their illness, and 
the anxiety proved too much for her. While they 
were yet ill another boy was born, she herself took 
the fever and died — probably by misadventure in the 
wrong administration of medicine — when the child 
was little more than a fortnight old. The loss of 
his wife weighed heavily on the father's spirits, and 
five months later, when his bankers, who were his 
children's uncles, had been obliged to tell him that 
he was ruined, he was found dead in his brewery, 
leaving one younger daughter and five sons to the 
care of their elder sister, who was the sole surviving 
issue of the earlier marriage. 

Of the family thus suddenly bereaved Samuel 
Sharpe was the second son. He had been born in 
the house in King Street, Golden Square, on the 
8th of March, 1799. His elder brother, Sutton 
Sharpe, was born in 1797 ; his sister Mary, who 
came next to him, in 1801 ; his brother Henry 
in 1802; William in 1804; and Daniel in 1806. 
Their father, Sutton Sharpe, had married his 
first wife, Catharine Purchas, in 1779; and the 
surviving offspring of this marriage, Catharine 
Sharpe, was born in 1782. He became a widower 
in 1791 ; and in 1795 married Maria Rogers, a 
younger sister of Samuel Rogers. This second 
married life lasted but nine years and a half. 
Gloomy as was its end, it had been singularly 
happy. His young wife had speedily gained the 
complete confidence and affection of her step- 

I79S-] Catharine Sharpe. 3 

daughter, and not even business anxieties could cast 
a shadow over the home which she brightened by 
her sunny temper, and ornamented by her dignity 
and grace. Her husband was given to fits of melan- 
choly, which she charmed away. He was fond of 
society, in which she was also fitted to shine. He 
possessed cultivated literary and artistic tastes, to 
which she admirably ministered, and which she fully 
shared. He inherited ample means, which his gene- 
rosity to his brother involved beyond rescue ; and 
it was probably her fortune which kept him from 
earlier ruin. In her efforts on behalf of her husband 
and family her step-daughter Catharine gave her 
constant support. Catharine was thirteen years old 
at her father's second marriage, to which she had 
looked forward with aversion. Writing nearly 
thirty years later, Catharine speaks of her dislike to 
the domestic change and the opposition it roused in 
her girlish mind. The dislike and opposition were 
soon charmed away. Catharine says of her step- 
mother : — " She was mildness itself. She made 
me her companion and friend. In spite of all 
my determination to the contrary, I could not help 
loving her ; though, in the quiet uniform life I then 
led, I could not help regretting the more active and 
amusing one I had quitted. We spent six months 
at Hampstead, and then took a house in Nottingham 
Place, where many happy years were spent, ending 
only with that deep affliction which altered the 
whole prospect of my future days." 

The two women, thus brought together, were well 
worthy of each other. They were the first and 
second mothers of this family of children. The 

B 2 

4 Autobiography. [Ch. i. 

deep affliction which altered the whole prospect 
of Catharine's future days was prevented by her 
devotion and courage from marring the fortunes 
of her half-brothers and sister. The training she 
gave them, and to which she sacrificed her per- 
sonal prospects and wishes, fitted them all to 
play worthy and successful parts in life. Each of 
the brothers attained in after years a considerable 
measui'e of distinction and success ; and it v/as their 
uniform testimony that they owed it, in very great 
degree, to their elder half-sister — whom they ad- 
dressed and spoke of familiarly as " sister " — who 
had been left in charge of them at their father's 
death, when she had herself just entered on her 
twenty-fourth year. 

In the case of a family thus left there might be 
more than usual difficulty in tracing the origin of any 
of the mental and moral characteristics by which they 
were afterwards known. The subject of this memoir 
has, however, left behind him a record, addressed to 
his children and dictated to one of his daughters in 
1854, which, though not an autobiography in the 
strict sense of the term, is a full sketch of his family 
and personal history. In continuing it fifteen years 
later in his own handwriting, he warns his daughters 
" not to be persuaded by anybody after my death 
that these, or any other particulars about my life, 
can be of public interest." This, however, is rather 
a matter for the public to decide. The modesty of 
the caution is a characteristic feature, which makes 
it the more important that his life should be written. 
It is a life which in its untiring industry, its unosten- 
tatious benevolence, its devotion to truth, and its 

I795-] . Paternal Ancestry. 5 

ardent love of learning, coupled as these noble 
characteristics were with a singular and too unusual 
absence of all desire for public recognition, or for 
any other reward than his own satisfied sense of 
duty, was one of the happiest examples of the 
qualities which have made the middle class the 
strength and sweetness of English society. His 
own view was, that his mother's family had handed 
down to her descendants "the larger half of our 
traditional opinions and tastes " ; but it will be seen 
that the contribution on the father's side was by no 
means inferior to it. The following is his account of 
his father : — 

Sutton Sharpe, of No. 10, Nottingham Place, Maryle- 
bone, was the son of Joseph Sharpe, of Bridge Street, 
Blackfriars; and of Ann, his wife, daughter of William 
Telford, of Isleworth. He was born on the 20th of 
September, 1756. His father and the family before him 
had carried on the trade of needle-makers in Blackfriars 
for several generations. Joseph Sharpe, born in 1727-8, 
was the son of Sutton Sharpe . and Ruth Stokes. This 
Sutton Sharpe, born in 1699, was the son of Robert 
Sharpe and Elizabeth Barnes. Robert Sharpe was bom in 
1669. But this Sutton was apprenticed as needle-maker 
in 1713, not to his father Robert, but to another Sutton, 
probably his uncle.' This latter Sutton Sharpe we find 
mentioned in Chamberlain's " Notitia '' for 1723, as one 
of the Commissioners of the Lieutenancy for the City of 
London at the beginning of George the First's reign. 

But to return to my own father. In the year 1779 Sutton 
Sharpe was married at Croydon to Catharine Purchas, by 
whom he had one daughter, Catharine, born in 1782. His 
wife died nine years afterwards. In September, 1795, he 
was married a second time, to Maria, daughter of Thomas 

6 Sutton and Joseph Sharpe. [Ch. I. 

Rogers, of Newington Green and of Freeman's Court, 
Comhill, banker. Her brother Samuel gave her away. 
My sister Catharine was then thirteen years old. They 
took a house at lo, Nottingham Place, Marylebone, and 
went into it as soon as it was ready to receive them. 

Sutton Sharpe had been brought up to his father's trade 
as a needle-maker. On his father's death he carried on 
the business, first in partnership with his mother, and 
afterwards alone ; when his mother retired to live at Croydon. 
But the high price of food and wages in London was 
driving all such manufactories to a distance. Needles 
could not longer be made profitably in the centre of an 
increasing capital, and he gave up the family trade and 
became a brewer in King Street, Golden Square. This 
business he carried on, though with very moderate success, 
till the time of his death. 

There seem to have been other reasons for this 
change of trade. In the journal written by his 
eldest daughter Catharine, and dated New Ormond 
Street in the year 1823, to which reference has 
already been made, she says under the date of 

1793 :— 

My father now gave up his business and joined his brother 
in King Street, Golden Square, with the idea of attending to a 
considerable sum which he had lent him to embark in that 
concern, and to restrain, if possible, his expensive habits. I 
went to school, but my father chiefly instructed me at home. 
I adored my uncle, and was the constant companion of all his 
pursuits, which were so various as to afford me constant im- 
provement and delight. He was a great mechanic, and I 
head-workman, or rather " scrub," keeping everything in order, 
and arranging all the contents of his study and workshop. 
He taught me to ride and drive, and initiated me early into all 
the knowledge of the stable. He was a rough master, but he 
taught me well, and banished everything like fear from my 
mind, so that I early became a bold and experienced horse- 
woman ; and many were the delightful excursions for which I 

1797-] Sutton Sharpe. y 

was indebted to his kindness. He had a young family, but 
they were all too little to be anything but playthings. 

The uncle who had thus influenced her character, 
and through her the group of children afterwards 
left to her care; died, after a long illness, in 1797, 
leaving a large family quite unprovided for. Her 
father's property also suffered seriously. The widow 
and children lived with their grandmother, Sutton 
Sharpe's mother, at Croydon, till her death, in 1798. 

Samuel Sharpe further says of his father : — 

From his childhood he (Sutton Sharpe) had always been 
fond of reading and of works of art. He drew very well 
with chalk. While attending to business he entered him- 
self as a pupil in the Royal Academy, and drew there from 
the life — a privilege which was then open to all. There 
he gained the friendship of Flaxman, Opie, Shee, and 
Stothard, and continued intimate with them till his death. 
He was also acquainted with HoUoway, the engraver, and 
was one of those friends by whose advice Holloway under- 
took his great work, the cartoons of Raphael. He was 
acquainted with Bewick, so well known for his wood-cuts, 
and that artist gave him a copy of his celebrated Chilling- 
ham Bull, on a sheet of vellum. His own tastes led him 
chiefly to draw from the antique statues and Greek vases. 
He encouraged my mother and sister in the same con- 
genial employments I hope the love of Art may 

long continue hereditary in our family. My uncle's collec- 
tion of pictures and antiquities is well known to everybody, 
and after looking at them I have often been pleased to 
remember a remark made to him by Mr. Boddington, 
which used to be repeated to me by Mr. Maltby — " You 
know, Rogers, we all owe these tastes to Sutton Sharpe." * 

* Rogers himself made the same admission of indebted- 
ness ; speaking to William Sharpe in 1842 he said, "William, 
all I know of art I learned from your father." 

8 StUton Sharpes Friends. [Ch. I. 

By his first marriage my father had become acquainted 
with William Maltby, afterwards the Librarian of the 
London Institution, and with Richard Sharp, the author 
of " Letters and Essays," but better known as Conversa- 
tion Sharp. By his second marriage he became the 
brother-in-law of Samuel Rogers, the poet, and his love of 
learning made him intimate with many other men of letters 
besides the artists before mentioned, who were often at his 
house at No. lo, Nottingham Place. Among these were 
William Morgan, the mathematician, Coombe, the author 
of " Dr. Syntax," Mrs. Opie, the artist's second wife, 
and Matthew Raper, a Vice-President of the Antiquarian 
Society, who dedicated to him a Greek Vocabulary, 
and Home Tooke, the author of the " Diversions of 
Purley," towards whose democratic principles he had a 
strong leaning. Richard Porson, the eminent Greek 
scholar, was often there, and gave him copies of his 
first two plays of Euripides, the " Medea," and " Hecuba." 
In the latter he wrote, in his beautiful writing, " Optimae 
Spei Puero Sutton Sharpe. In Graecis Uteris profidenti 
et profecturo Editor." At this time he had but slight 
knowledge of the Greek language, and though Porson 
called him " Puer," he was already forty-five years old. 
He was well acquainted with Italian, which he thought not 
studied so much as it deserved to be. 

In politics my father was an earnest reformer, and my 
earliest recollection of such matters is my wearing in my 
cap when seven years old a blue cockade, Sir Francis 
Burdett's colours at the Middlesex election. I remember 
also my father taking me to the Croydon Assizes to show 
me the Judge sitting on the Bench. As we were entering 
the Town Hall the constable at the door stopped a man in 
a working dress from entering, saying that there was not 
room for him; whereupon my father turned away, much 
to my disappointment, and would not enter at that time 
to mark his disapproval of the different treatment that was 

i7i8.] Former Sutton Sharpes. 9 

shown to a good and a, bad coat by a man in authority. 
My father wore powder and his hair tied in a queue; but his 
brother Joseph had followed the example of Charles James 
Fox, and marked his politics by cutting off his tail and 
wearing a black head of hair. 

It will be seen from this account of their father 
and his family that the band of brothers must have 
inherited from him a good many of the intellectual 
characteristics which distinguished them all. Sutton 
Sharpe and his younger brother Joseph were both 
men who took a lively interest in public affairs, and 
lived and moved in the full current and movement of 
their time. 

The name of Sutton seems to have been heredi- 
tary in the Sharpe family, though there is nothing to 
show whence it was derived. There have probably 
been Sutton Sharpes ever since the Commonwealth, 
and the name is now borne, in the branch of the 
family with which we have to do, by Henry's 
youngest son. Robert Sharpe, the great-grand- 
father of the Sutton who was the father of Samuel, 
was born in London three years after the Great 
Fire, and died in 17 18. His son Sutton, his second 
son and fifth child, was apprenticed in the last year 
of Queen Anne's reign to an older Sutton Sharpe — 
probably Robert's brother — who was then a person 
of much consideration in the City of London. The 
Sutton thus apprenticed was married in 1726, and 
seems to have been as strongly resolved that his own 
name should be perpetuated as Gibbon's parents 
were that there should be an Edward Gibbon. 
He called his second son Sutton ; and after the 
child's death, in babyhood, called the third, who was 

TO Flaxmatis Sketches. [Ch. I. 

born later, by the same name. This child died, and 
a fourth was born and christened Sutton. The 
fourth died in babyhood, and a fifth was called 
Sutton and died. The sixth and last boy was given 
the same name and survived. But it was the eldest 
brother Joseph, who had been born eleven years 
before, who perpetuated the name in the family. 
He called his eldest son by the name that five of 
his own younger brothers had borne, and this Sutton 
was Samuel's father. He was brought up to his 
father's business, but he inherited literary and artistic 
tastes, which his sons afterwards found to be more 
consistent than he could make them with busi- 
ness success. An exquisitely finished pencil portrait 
of him by his friend Flaxman — now in the possession 
of Mrs. William Sharpe — shows him to have had a 
broad forehead, full cheeks, and square chin, with a 
well-chiselled nose, a mouth that bespoke refinement 
rather than determination, and eyes with an expres- 
sion of thoughtful melancholy. It is a noble face, 
and immediately strikes every one who sees it as 
the portrait of a person of distinction. There is a 
full length sketch in red chalk of his first wife by 
Sutton Sharpe himself, which shows Flaxman's influ- 
ence on his taste, and indicates the possession by her 
of much of that decision and energy which distin- 
guished her daughter Catharine. Perhaps the most 
graceful of all the sketches which Flaxman did for 
his friend was one in which the attitude of the 
"Portrait of the Author" in Southey's "Doctor" 
was anticipated. Miss Sarah Rogers and her 
younger sister Maria, Sutton Sharpe's second wife, 
were sitting together, with Miss Rogers's hand in 

i8o2.] Sutton Sharpe in Paris. 1 1 

those of Mrs. Sharpe, when something passing in 
the street caused them both to turn their heads 
away, Miss Rogers starting forward in an attitude 
of curiosity. Struck with the graceful group thus 
made, Flaxman cried out to them not to move, and 
sketched them on the spot — the backs of both heads 
turned to him. The sketch recalls his illustrations 
of the " Iliad " and " Odyssey," A characteristic 
portrait of Catharine Sharpe, bearing the date of 
1802, is another of the relics of Flaxman's friend- 
ship. That was the year when Sutton Sharpe had 
met the sculptor and his wife in Paris. Peace had 
been proclaimed, and there was a great rush of 
English artists and people of taste to that city to 
see the statues and pictures — the spoils of Europe— 
in the Louvre. Sutton Sharpe found friends every- 
where in the city, where he lodged with Samuel 
Boddington, partner in business of " Conversation " 
Sharp. His letters to his wife, who had been taken 
to Paris by Mr. and Mrs. Towgood on their wedding- 
tour ten years before, are full of pleasant accounts 
of his intercourse with Benjamin West, with Fuseli, 
who was then at the height of his fame, with Far- 
rington, who was Fuseli's companion in this journey, 
with Mr. and Mrs. Opie, and with other eminent 
persons ; among them Helen Maria WiUiams, the 
translator of Humboldt. Twenty years later Samuel 
Sharpe called upon Miss Williams in Paris to carry 
a volume from Mr. Rogers. She spoke to him of 
his father's visit, and said that when she received 
his card she thought it was the very agreeable 
Mr. Sharpe who had been introduced to her by 
Mr. Boddington in 1802. 

12 Maternal Ancestry. [Ch. I. 

On the mother's side there was, perhaps, a more 
distinct transmission of moral qualities. We have 
already seen that Samuel Sharpe considered that 
the larger half of their traditional opinions and 
tastes came from the strongly Nonconformist strain 
derived from what may properly be regarded as a 
Puritan ancestry. He traces his mother's family in 
what he considered to be " the line through which 
our opinions have chiefly come down to us." This 
line leads up through the grandmother, Mary Rad- 
ford, daughter of Daniel Radford and his wife Mary 
Harris (granddaughter of Dr. Coxe), to Eleanor 
Henry, who had married Samuel Radford of Chester, 
and of whom Daniel Radford was the eldest son. 
Eleanor Henry, who died in 1696, was the sister of 
the Reverend Matthew Henry, the Commentator on 
the Bible, and was third daughter and fifth child of 
the Reverend Philip Henry, one of the most eminent 
of the clergy who were ejected on the English Black 
Bartholomew in 1662. Samuel says of this branch 
of the family tree : — 

The Reverend Philip Henry, incumbent of Worthen- 
bury, in the county of Flint, was the son of a page in the 
service of Charles I. He was born in the palace of 
Whitehall ; he had been the playfellow of the Prince of 
Wales and the Duke of York ; and his principles of 
loyalty were strengthened by seeing the King beheaded 
on the scaffold. But his pious and serious mother brought 
him up as a hearer and admirer of the Presbyterian 
Divines, who during the Protectorate filled the parish 
churches and cathedrals. From Westminster School he 
went to Oxford, and in due time was appointed to the 
living of Worthenbury, and ordained a clergyman of the 
Church of England, by Presbyterian ordination. On the 

1662-97.] Philip and Matthew Henry. 13 

return of Charles II., when Episcopacy was again estab- 
lished, and the Book of Common Prayer ordered to be 
read in the churches, Philip Henry was one of the two 
thousand clergymen who, for conscience sake, gave up 
their incomes and left their homes. When the day of 
trial came they left those spheres of usefulness which had 
hitherto been their pride and pleasure, and withdrew into 
obscurity, and many of them into painful want, rather than 
comply with those requirements of the Act of Uniformity 
which they felt hurtful to their consciences. The struggles of 
mind that they then endured, and the legal persecutions 
they suffered from that time till the landing of William III., 
taught them the use and the worth of private judgment in 
religion, and strengthened their dislike of creeds. These 
feelings and opinions were, of course, religiously taught to 
their children, and even now mark the characters of their 
descendants in the seventh and eighth generations. 

Philip Henry's only son was the Reverend Matthew 
Henry, an eminent Dissenting Minister, first of Chester, 
and afterwards of Hackney ; and author of an Exposition 
of the Bible, which is still highly valued for its devo- 
tional earnestness. He was one of the original trustees of 
Dr. Williams's Public Library.* Philip Henry had also 
four daughters, of whom Eleanor, the third, was born in 1667, 
and married Samuel Radford of Chester in 1688-9. She 
inherited the serious, religious disposition of her father, as 
appears from the short memoir of her written by her 
brother Matthew, and she died in 1697, aged thirty. 

Samuel and Eleanor Radford left one son and three 
daughters, who, on the death of their father and mother, 
were brought up by their uncle Matthew. Daniel Rad- 
ford, the son, removed to London, and became a ware- 
houseman in Cheapside, and a director of the Union 
Insurance Office in Cornhill. He married Mary, the 
daughter of Samuel Harris of Newington Green, and there 

* Now in Grafton Street, Gower Street. 

14 Maternal Ancestry. [Ch. I. 

he and his wife lived, in the house nearest to London on 
the west side of the Green. Their only child, Mary, was 
born in the year 1735 ; and in the year 1738, her mother, 
Mary, died. Daniel Radford continued to live at Newington 
Green with his little daughter, and invited into the house, 
as her companion, Mary Mitchell, a daughter of his sister 
Mary. In the year 1760 Mary Radford married Thomas 
Rogers, my grandfather. They lived with her father and her 
cousin on the Green ; and when Daniel Radford died Mary 
Mitchell continued to live with Thomas and Mary Rogers, 
and when they died she continued to live with their 

The little village of Newington Green had not been 
unknown in the annals of Presbyterian Dissent. Here 
several of the ejected ministers took up their abode, and 
some of them maintained themselves by teaching; and their 
schools turned out some scores of Nonconformist ministers, 
as well as many other good scholars. Among others, 
Charles Morton, who had been rector of Blissland, in Corn- 
wall, kept a school here, till he removed for safety and 
liberty to New England. Under him the celebrated Daniel 
Defoe, the author of '■ Robinson Crusoe," was educated for 
the ministry, though he never entered on that office. " I 
was first," he said, " set apart for, and then set apart from 
the honour of that sacred employ." In this retired spot 
the silenced Nonconformists sometimes met together for 
public worship. In 1708 the little society ventured to 
build a meeting-house on the north side of the Green, and 
of this congregation Samuel Harris was a member. 
Daniel Radford was afterwards treasurer to the congregation 
till the year 1767. 

The opinions of the congregation underwent several ' 
changes, which were common to the whole of the English 
Presbyterians. They proclaimed the right of private judg- 
ment, and rejected the use of creeds. The purpose for 
which the meeting-house was built, as declared in the 

1758-6;.] The Rogers Family. 15 

Trust Deed, was simply for the use of Protestant Dissenters, 
and the worship of Almighty God. Hence the English 
Presbyterians, being free to change, became unorthodox 
more quickly than they owned it, or perhaps were aware 
of it. They never held the Athanasian opinions, and were 
early charged with being Socinians. 

It was, however, not quite so early that the congregation 
at Newington Green became unorthodox ; but in the year 
1758, while Daniel Radford was treasurer, they chose 
as their minister Mr. Richard Price, afterwards better 
known as Dr. Price, who had already declared his Arian 

Into this Dissenting community Thomas Rogers, as we 
have seen, married in 1760. He took up his abode with 
his young wife in her father's house — the house before 
mentioned. Here they had four sons and three daughters 
born to them, besides those who died in infancy. Daniel 
Radford died in 1767, and left by will one hundred 
pounds towards increasing the minister's salary in the 
meeting-house on the Green. 

Thomas Rogers was the only son of Thomas Rogers, of 
the Hill, near Stourbridge, who was a glass manufacturer in 
that neighbourhood, and of Martha, a daughter of Richard 
Knight, of Downton. He was thus a cousin of Richard 
Payne Knight, the antiquary, who left his collection to the 
British Museum, and of Thomas Andrew Knight, who wrote 
on Horticulture. At the same time I may as well mention 
that his wife Mary Radford was descended through her 
mother from Dr. Coxe, Physician to Queen Mary, and they 
were thus related to his grandson, William Coxe, the author 
of "Russian Discoveries."* 

Thomas Rogers the younger, now of Newington Green, 
was at first in partnership with his father-in-law, as a ware- 

* Better known as the author of the " History of the House 
of Austria." He was Archdeacon of Wilts and Rector of 

1 6 Thomas Rogers s Politics. [Ch. I. 

houseman in Cheapside, but in the year 1760 he established 
a banking-house in London, under the firm of Welch, 
Rogers and Olding. It was situated at first in Cornhill, 
but afterwards at the bottom of Freeman's Court. These 
houses are now pulled down, but they both stood in the 
area in front of the Exchange Buildings. At Newington 
Green Thomas Rogers and his wife lived in rather strict 
attention to their religious duties. They attended at the little 
chapel where the Reverend Dr. Towers preached on Sun- 
day morning and Dr. Price in the afternoon. They met 
regularly for family worship, when Mr. Rogers .read the 
Bible and prayers to his children ; and it was when Samuel 
was about eleven years old that one night after closing the 
Bible he explained to them that Boston, in America, was in 
rebellion because the English Parliament had attempted, to 
tax them without their consent, and solemnly exhorted them 
always to wish success to the Americans because they had 
justice on their side. 

As was natural for a Dissenter, Thomas Rogers was 
always a staunch Whig in politics. He voted for Mr. 
Byng, father or son, at every Middlesex election, except 
when displeased with the Coalition Ministry. In 1780 he 
was elected member of Parliament for Coventry, but his 
return was petitioned against, and as his politics were well 
known as unfavourable to the Ministry his election was 
declared void by a vote of the whole House. When the 
Dissenters established a college at Hackney, where their 
sons could receive a liberal education without being re- 
quired, as at Oxford and Cambridge, to subscribe to any 
articles of religion, Thomas Rogers was one of its most 
zealous supporters, and was chosen chairman of the Com- 
mittee of Management. He was one of the trustees of 
Dr. Williams's Library. In 1792 he became a member of 
the Society of the Friends of the People, associated for the 
purpose of obtaining a Parliamentary Reform, and he 
signed the memorable declaration on that subject in com- 
pany with the great names of C. Grey, J. Mackintosh, 

I776-93-] kS". Roger's on his Father. 17 

P. Francis, W. H. Lambton, G. Tierney, S. Whitbread, 
R. B. Sheridan, T. Erskine, W. Smith, and others. This 
was the year which ended in the imprisonment and trial of 
Louis XVI., when friends of liberty were branded by Pitt 
and Burke as friends of anarchy; the year after Dr. 
Priestley's house at Birmingham had been burnt down by 
the mob. 

In the year 1776 Thomas Rogers lost his wife, and the 
care of his house and children then fell to her cousin, 
Mary Mitchell. He himself died in the year 1793, and 
the following lines were written by his son Samuel on the 
occasion of his last illness : — 

There in that bed so closely curtained round. 

Worn to a shade and wan with slow decay, 
A father sleeps ! Oh, hushed be every sound ! 

Soft may we breathe the midnight hours away ! 
He stirs — yet still he sleeps. May heavenly dreams 

Long o'er his smooth and settled pillow rise. 
Nor fly, till morning thro' the shutter streams, 

And on the hearth the glimmering rushlight dies.* 

Customs are so far changed that it may be interesting to 
mention that according to the fashion of the day Thomas 
Rogers wore a three-cornered cocked hat. His hair was 
dressed with powder and tied behind in a queue. His 
coat on dress occasions was of a light colour. The cuffs 
were very inconveniently large, and on one occasion he 
carried off a guinea unawares from the banking-house, and 
found it in his cuff when he reached home. There were 
no stage-coaches at Newington Green, so he usually went 
to town in his own carriage. Umbrellas for rainy weather 
were almost unknown, but the house at Newington Green 
possessed one, which was made of oiled cloth, and stood in 
the hall, and was held by the man-servant with two hands 
over the heads of the ladies as they stepped from the door 
to the carriage. 

* Poems, p. 187. "Written in a Sick Chamber, 1793." 


1 8 Charles Lamb on D. Rogers. [Ch. I. 

Of my uncles, Daniel, the eldest, was sent to Cambridge. 
He was of delightful guileless simplicity, without a thought 
that was hidden from you, and was liked by all his acquaint- 
ance. His father meant him for the Bar, and had great 
hopes of his being a distinguished man. But he did not 
like the law ; he preferred classics. He married his cousin, 
Martha Bowles, and went to live in the country — much to 
his father's disappointment. He dwelt first at Lincoln, 
where he was intimate with Dr. Paley ; but he afterwards 
removed to Wassal Grove, near Hagley, where he had a 
farm. There I visited him and spent my time most 
delightfully, sometimes rambling in Hagley Park with his 
daughters, sometimes walking over the farm with him, and 
then returning to his study, where he would pull down 
book after book to follow a reference or trace a thought 
with an enthusiasm and richness of memory that was most 
encouraging to anybody fond of knowledge. He had at 
that time been studying Persian. He was a magistrate for 
Worcestershire, and died in 1829. He is highly spoken of 
by Sir Edgerton Brydges in his Autobiography, and Charles 
Lamb, who had met him occasionally at the houses of his 
brothers, Henry and Samuel, wrote the following sonnet 
upon his death : — 

Rogers, of all the men that I have known 

But slightly, who have died, your brother's loss 

Touched me most sensibly ; There came across 

My mind an image of the cordial tone 

Of your fraternal meetings, where a guest 

I more than once have sate ; and grieve to think. 

That of that threefold cord one precious link 

By Death's rude hand is severed from the rest. 

Of our old Gentry he appeared a stem ; 

A magistrate who, while the evil-doer 

He kept in terror, could respect the poor, 

And not for every trifle harass them — 

As some divine and laic, too oft do. 

This man's a private loss and public too. 

1776-93J Thomas and Samuel Rogers. ig 

Thomas and Samuel, the two next sons, were brought 
up for business. After leaving Mr. Pickburn's school at 
Hackney they read for some time under Mr. Burgh, who 
had written " On the Dignity of Human Nature." They 
were then taken as clerks, and afterwards as partners, into 
their father's banking-house in Freeman's Court. Thomas 
died within a year or two of that event, in his father's life- 
time, and his brother's feelings towards him are described 
in some beautiful lines in the " Pleasures of Memory '' — 

Oh thou ! with whom my heart was wont t6 share 
From Reason's dawn each pleasure and each care. 
With whom, alas ! I fondly hoped to know 
The humble walks of happiness below ; 
If thy blest nature now unites above, 
An angel's pity with a brother's love. 
Still o'er my life preserve thy mild control. 
Correct my views, and elevate my soul ; 
Grant me thy peace and purity of mind. 
Devout yet cheerful, active yet resigned ; 
Grant me like thee whose art knew no disguise 
Whose blameless wishes never aimed to rise. 
To meet the changes Time and Chance present 
With modest dignity and calm content. 
When thy last breath ere Nature sank to rest. 
Thy meek submission to thy God expressed ; 
When thy last look ere thought and feeling fled, 
A mingled gleam of hope and triumph shed : 
What to thy soul its glad assurance gave, 
Its hope in death, its triumph o'er the grave ? 
The sweet Remembrance of unblemished youth. 
The still inspiring voice of Innocence and Truth ! 
— " Pleasures of Memory." Second Part, pp. 43, 44. 

Samuel, the poet, had wished to be sent to the Man- 
chester Presbyterian College, but while his father lived he 
was kept in strict attention to the banking business. This 
was of course broken in upon by occasional journeys, 
besides the annual visit to The Hill, near Stourbridge. 
He spent one winter in Devonshire, as he had been 

C 2 

20 Henry Rogers and his Friends. [Ch. I. 

threatened with an attack upon the lungs. He made a 
journey to Paris before the outbreak of the French Revolu- 
tion ; and he paid a visit to Edinburgh, where he made the 
acquaintance of Dr. Robertson and Mr. Adam Smith, and 
where he met Mrs. Piozzi, to whom his poems had before 
introduced him. On the death of his father, in 1793, he 
was more at liberty to follow his own tastes. 

He inherited an ample property and a prosperous 
business, and into this he soon introduced his younger 
brother Henry to manage it for him. He had already 
published his " Ode to Superstition " and " Pleasures of 
Memory," and 'his society was eagerly courted by persons of 
rank and talent. He first took chambers at Paper Build- 
ings, in the Temple, but afterwards he built a house for 
himself in St. James's Place, which he gradually enriched 
with his valuable collection of pictures, vases, and other 
works of art. His literary friends had been Dr. Price, 
Dr. Priestley, Mrs. Barbauld, Mr. Home Tooke, but now 
Charles James Fox, Grattan, and Erskine became his 
frequent guests, and for fifty years his house has been one 
of the chief centres of attraction with men of letters and 
men of taste. 

Henry Rogers, my youngest uncle, was educated under 
Priestley and Belsham at the New College, Hackney, of 
which his father was one of the principal founders. As 
soon as he was of age he joined the banking house in Free- 
man's Court He was the patron of all his nephews 

and nieces, to whom they at all times looked for help and 
advice. To me and my brothers and sisters he was like a 
second father, and though he was the youngest of our 
uncles, his constant wish to be of use to us, and to have us 
near him, made us all look up to him as the head of the 
family. In 1824 he retired out of business, and thereby 
made room for my admission into the firm. 

Martha, my eldest aunt, married Mr. John Towgood, 
who was also a Dissenter, a grandson of the Reverend 
Micaiah Towgood. He was a member of the firm of 

1785-1811.] Samuel Rogers. 21 

Langston, Towgood and Company, and in 181 1, being the 
only survivor that wished to continue in business, he united 
his bank to that of his brothers-in-law, under the firm of 
Rogers, Towgood and Company. 

Maria, my mother, was, I have always heard, the 
favourite of the family, from her goodness of heart and 
winning manners. She was sent with one or both of her 
sisters to a boarding-school at Stoke Newington, kept by 
Mrs. Crisp. And it was on meeting his sister with a troop 
of the girls of this school in their walks that Samuel 
Rogers wrote the following lines. He never thought them 
good enough to print among his poems, but they are 
interesting as being among the hasty works of a writer who 
for the most part finished everything with great care. 

To A Party of Young Ladies who were Sitting on 
A Bench in Queen Elizabeth's Walk at Eight 
o'clock last Thursday Night. 

Evening had flushed the clear blue sky. 
The birds had sung themselves to sleep. 

When I presumed, I don't know why, 
In old Queen Bess's walk to peep. 

And there was she ; Her belles and beaux 
In ruffs and high- crowned hats were there ! 

But soon, as you may well suppose. 
The vision melted into air. 

When hark ! Soft voices, thro' the shade, 

Announced a little fairy train. 
And once, methought, sweet music played, 

I wished to see, but wished in vain. 

For something whispered in my ear, 
. " Away, away ! At this still hour. 
Queen Mab, with all her court is here. 
And he who looks will feel her power." 

2 2 Mrs. Sharpes Death. [Ch. I. 

I shut my eyelids at the sound, 
And found, what every youth will find. 

That he who treads on sacred ground 
Is sure to leave his wits behind. 

Saturday, May \i,th, 1785. 

My mother died in April, 1806, leaving six children, of 
whom the youngest was only a fortnight old, and my 
father died in September of the same year. The following 
lines, from my uncle's poem of " Human Life," mention my 
mother's death: — ■ 

Such grief was ours — it seems but yesterday — 
When in tliy prime, wishing so much to stay, 
'Twas thine, Maria, thine without a sigh. 
At midnight in a Sister's arms to die ! 
Oh thou wert lovely — lovely was thy frame. 
And pure thy spirit as from Heaven it came ! 
And, when recalled to join the blest above 
Thou diedst a victim to exceeding love. 
Nursing the young to health. In happier hours. 
When idle Fancy wove luxuriant flowers, 
Once in thy mirth thou bad'st me write on thee ; 
And now I write — what thou shalt never see.* 

* " Human Life," p. 82. 



The elder half-sister, to whose care the orphan 
, family were left, and of whose training by her father 
and uncle an account has already been given, was 
happily possessed of great vigour and decision. She 
was only nine years old when her own mother died, 
and now at the age of twenty-three she found herself 
called to discharge a mother's duties towards her 
father's second family. Her own grief for the loss 
of her second mother ("the first sorrow I had 
known," she says, " for I was too young to feel the 
loss of my own mother,") was too great to allow her 
to do much to alleviate her father's sorrow. " The 
only consolation that presented itself," she continues, 
" was the promise of' becoming a mother to her chil- 
dren, and so far as in me lay to repay the debt of 
gratitude I owed her." The five summer months 
during which Sutton Sharpe survived his wife were 
the gloomiest period in the family history. He 
refused to be comforted, and his daughter looked 
back in after years with much needless self-reproach 
upon her failure " to afford him the consolation he 
required." His death was accelerated by pecuniary 
difficulties, and he was found to have left his family 
in such a position that it was needful to give up the 

24 The Orphan Family. [Ch. ll. 

home in Nottingham Place. There was for a time 
the prospect that the children would be scattered. 
His whole property had been involved in the brew- 
house into which he had been drawn by his brother, 
and the business had not succeeded. He died with- 
out a will, and it became the duty of his daughter 
Catharine to administer the estate, which she did 
with the assistance of Mr. John Towgood, who had 
married Martha Rogers, and of Mr. Henry Rogers, 
the unmarried youngest brother. When the business 
was wound up it was found that there would not be 
enough to pay the business debts, so that the furni- 
ture and library in Nottingham Place had to be sold. 
After this sacrifice, which she felt most bitterly, 
though she made out the catalogue of the library 
with her own hands, nothing remained to the family 
from the wreck of their father's property ; but 
their mother's small fortune had been settled on 
them, and they consequently had enough to live on. 
Looking back on this period of anxiety and diffi- 
culty seventeen years afterwards, Catharine writes in 
her journal the following graphic account of her inward 
struggles and outward difficulties. A more interest- 
ing picture of a strong and earnest mind, girding 
itself up to a great and self-sacrificing task, has 
rarely been given : — 

We spent some time at Walthamstow, where the Towgoods 
then Uved, who most kindly gave us room till our future plans 
could be finally settled. From the moment I regained suffi- 
cient composure for reflection I felt there was only one course 
to pursue, to secure either my own self-approbation or the 
welfare of those who then alone occupied my thoughts. This 
was to take the whole superintendence of their education upon 
myself. If they were separated amongst their various rela- 

I Sod] Catharine Sharpens Self-Devohon. 25 

tions their individual advantages might perhaps be greater 
than my limited means could procure, but the great bond of 
family union would be broken, the early affection which most 
strongly unites the members of a large family would have no 
existence in a divided state, selfish feelings and gratifications 
would take the place of those which should connect them 
through life and teach them to labour for the good of others. 
These were the motives which, at the time, influenced me in 
the decision. It depends on them to declare whether such 
decision was a right one. For myself I can only say I have 
been perfectly satisfied with the result; and placed again in 
the same circumstances I should most assuredly act the same 
part. ' I 

We took a house in Paradise Row, Stoke Newington, as 
being there in the midst of our most intimate friends. Here 
I had leisure to examine my own mind, and many thoughts 
it cost me. I must not only educate these children, but I 
must educate myself if I would hereafter become their guide 
and counsellor. I must render myself worthy of being con- 
sulted. These and many such thoughts occupied my mind, 
and many are the nights I have nearly passed in pacing the 
apartment, for, till the duties of the day were past, I never 
suffered their encroachment, as thfey rendered me incapable 
of exertion. Perhaps the greatest difficulty I had to contend 
with was the want of some friend whose thoughts and feelings 
were in unison with mine, and on whose judgment I might rely. 
That friend was separated from me by many thousand miles.* 
Her letters tended more to strengthen my good resolutions 
than all my other friends. 

Such was the spirit in which this courageous 
woman accepted the responsibiHty which the early 
death of her father and stepmother imposed upon 
her. EngHsh family histories are happily full of 
such unnoticed and unintrusive devotion to family 
interests and domestic duties. Catharine Sharpe's 
life from this time forward was one of uncomplain- 

* This was Mrs. Ashburner, formerly Miss Morgan, who 
had removed with her husband and young family to India. 

26 Catharine Sharpes Self-Devotion. [Ch. II. 

ing self-sacrifice. She gave up everything for these 
children. She put aside her prospects in life and 
devoted her youth, her talents and her accomplish- 
ments, to the task of educating them and keeping 
them together. She was forty-one years old when 
the journal was written, and the greater part of her 
noble task was done. For seventeen years she had 
been doing the part of mother and father to her 
father's children, and had been rewarded by the 
complete success of her efforts to keep a home for 
them and to preserve in them the sense of family 
life. Her marked individuality had impressed itself 
on the household. Every one of them regarded her 
with the deepest gratitude and affection ; and each 
was ready to give her training the credit of much of 
the success they afterwards attained. 

The next entry in her journal is under the date 
of 1807 : — 

Sam and Sutton went to Mr. Cogan's school, the four others 
remained with me. The next fourteen years were passed in 
our house in Paradise Row, certainly the most active and 
laborious years of my life. 

In 1809 : — 

This year Mary and Henry accompanied me to Wassal, 
and there my mind experienced the first real enjoyment after 
a period of intense suffering. This visit, besides tlie gratifica- 
tion it afforded me, was of inestimable advantage. Under Mr. 
Rogers's kind instruction I improved materially my knowledge 
of Latin, and was enabled thereby to keep the boys in my 
hands much longer than I otherwise should have done. Years 
now passed on in one uniform routine. My days were employed 
in the education of the children, my evenings in my own im- 
provement. I recollect no particular event that needs record. 
Miss Andrews assisted me with the children. 

i8o6-io.] Samuel Sharps s Boyhood. 27 

Samuel writes respecting this period of his life : — 

On the death of my father we six younger children fell 
to the care of our elder sister, Catharine, who most dis- 
interestedly took charge of our education. She was be- 
friended in her task by my unmarried uncles and aunt, 
Samuel Rogers, Sarah Rogers, and Henry Rogers, but 
more particularly by my uncle Henry. Sutton and I were 
sent on a visit to my uncle Daniel Rogers, to be out of 
the way, while my sister, leaving Nottingham Place, moved 
into a smaller house, and with my uncle's family at Wassal 
Grove, near Hagley, we spent six months most happily, 
too young to understand the loss that had befallen us. On 
our return we found my sister in lodgings in Church 
Street, Stoke Newington, from which she shortly removed 
to a house in Paradise Row, in the same village. This 
was within a short walk of my uncle Henry and aunt 
Sarah, who with Mrs. Mitchell were living at No. 10, 
Highbury Terrace'. From Stoke Newington Sutton and I 
were sent to Mr. Cogan's school at Higham Hill, Waltham- 

I was eight years and three months old when sent to 
school at Midsummer, 1807. There I stayed seven years 
and a half, returning home to Stoke Newington three 
times a year for the holidays. At school I made fair pro- 
gress in Latin and Greek. I learned a little French and 
Mathematics, and during the play hours I read many of 
the best English histories and other standard works, which 
were always within our reach in the school library. During 
the holidays I learnt drawing and Italian from my sister. 

This spending his play hours in reading was 
characteristic of Samuel Sharpe's boyhood. He 
differed from his brothers by a somewhat unnatural 
gravity. Though he was the second and Sutton the 

28 His School and Schoolmaster. [Ch. ii. 

elder, Catharine writes quite instinctively, " Sam and 
Sutton." He became her chief counsellor as he 
grew up. He was fonder of books than of amuse- 
ments. As a young man he went into society much 
less than his brothers, and in his riper years it was 
with difficulty that he could be torn away from his 
library, his manuscripts, and his favourite studies, 
even for a summer holiday. In this characteristic he 
resembled his old teacher Mr. Cogan, who for thirty- 
six years was never absent from his school duties a 
single day in pursuit of pleasure. Mr. Cogan's 
reputation as a schoolmaster was universal in the 
first quarter of the present century. The house at 
Higham Hill, Walthamstow, was always full, and an 
unusual number of his pupils gained distinction or 
success in after life. Dr. Parr, in a letter to Arch- 
bishop Magee, speaks of him as " an accurate Greek 
scholar, and a diligent and discriminating reader of 
the best critical works which have been lately 
published at Berlin, Leyden, Gottingen, Leipsic and 
Paris, and at home by Porson, Blomfield, Gaisford 
and Elmsley." He was said to have read more 
Greek than any living man. His method was to 
ground his pupils in the grammar of the classical 
languages, and he probably estimated their ability 
and measured his esteem for them by their success 
in Latin and Greek composition. Speaking to the 
late Rev. J. J. Tayler of Mr. Disraeli (afterwards 
Lord Beaconsfield), who had been one of his pupils, 
he once said : — " I don't like him. I never could get 
him to understand the subjunctive." Mr. Cogan 
died in 1855, at the age of ninety-three. His father, 
who was a medical practitioner at Rothwell, in 

i8i4] He goes to Business. 29 

Northamptonshire, had been born in the year 1698, 
so that these two lives of father and son covered 
nearly a hundred and fifty seven years of English 
history, including the whole reigns of Anne, the 
four Georges, and William the Fourth, and linking 
together those of William the Third and Queen 

The schooling-time was short ; for in accord- 
ance with the usual custom in those days, Samuel 
Sharpe was taken from his lessons and sent to 
business when he was approaching sixteen. He 
writes in 1854: — 

When wanting two months of being sixteen years old, at 
Christmas, 1814, I left school just as I was beginning to 
feel my lessons a pleasure, and therefore without rejoicing, 
though without regret; and I was taken by my uncles 
into their banking-house as a clerk. At the desk in 
Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, I have remained for forty 
years, with various . feelings and various fortunes. I have 
grown up, I have married, seen my children born and 
friends die around me, changed my dwelling, but always in 
business hours remained at 29, Clement's Lane, Lombard 
Street. While a clerk at Clement's Lane I walked back- 
wards and forwards from Paradise Row, and I continued 
my school studies both before breakfast in the morning and 
on my return home in the evening. My reading at this 
time was as much the eifect of quiet habit as from a love 
of knowledge. I enjoyed the pleasure of feeling my pro- 
gress, but I sat at my books because I had neither pocket- 
money nor high spirits to lead me into more foolish amuse- 

It was at this time, when I was about sixteen years old, 
that my uncle Henry gave me a ticket of admission to the 
London Institution, then in the Old Jewry, now in Moor- 

30 Literary Friends. [Ch. li. 

fields. Here I used occasionally to spend an hour or two 
between business and going ^ home, and great was the 
advantage I received from beirig able to use the books of 
reference there placed by Mr. Person and Mr. Maltby, and 
to choose for myself out of 30,000 volumes. Many years 
afterwards I bought a share in the Institution, and I have 
been a reader there for forty years. It was not till about 
the year 1837 that I first visited the reading-room in the 
British Museum. 

Stoke Newington at that time was a very advantageous 
place of residence for us. Mrs. Barbauld often drank tea 
with my sister, and as often I went to her house to fetch 
my sister home after an evening spent there. At Dr. 
Aikin's house I was more intimate, as he had for a short 
time a grandson living with him, who was my fellow- 
student, or rather teacher, in botany and chemistry. There 
I was at liberty to go on a Sunday evening as an uninvited 
guest, and listen to the literary conversation of Dr. Aikin 
and Miss Aikin and their friends. Mr. Maltby, the 
Librarian of the London Institution, spent one summer 
in lodgings within two doors of us. We were frequent 
visitors at Mr. Morgan's at Stamford Hill, who kindly gave 
me advice on Mathematics, and once most good-naturedly 
lit the furnace for me in his laboratory on a Good 
Friday, because that was the only day on which I had a 
holiday, and I went to see him decompose potash into its 
metal base. At my uncle Henry's in Highbury Terrace 
we were always welcome, and there, as I got old enough 
to know the value of good society, I sometimes found 
Stothard and Westall, and Sir Thomas Lawrence, and 
Ottley, and Charles Lamb, and Thomas Moore, and 
" Russian " Tooke and Mr. Tuffin, with other friends who 
were even better in conversation though less known. 
Once or twice a year we visited my uncle Sam in St. 
James's Place, where we felt ourselves less intimate, but 

1815-26] Life at Stoke Newington. 31 

had the advantage of seeing his dhoice collection of 
pictures, and where I occasionally met Campbell, Wiffen, 
Foscolo, Turner, Luttrell, Jekyl and other men of letters, 
besides those whom we saw at Highbury. 

Amongst the inhabitants of Stoke Newington was an 
intelligent old lady, Mrs. Decastro, a Portuguese Jewess, 
who' used to say that her father and ndother were the last 
persons who were burned alive for being Jews. She was 
then about seventy years old, and they were burned when 
she was two years old, in the Island of Goa, the Portuguese 
colony in the East Indies. The Portuguese law against the 
Jews was enforced in the colonies long after it had been 
allowed to fall into disuse at home. 

It was in this quiet period of nine ■ years, filled 
with diligent attention to business during banking 
hours, and with improving and delightful study in 
the morning and evening, that the foundations of his 
success both as a scholar and a man of business were 
laid. His punctuality and exactitude struck every- 
body who knew him. It was said that he never left 
home a minute too early or too late, and a story 
lingered in Stoke Newington that the keeper of the 
turnpike gate at the end of Paradise Row set his 
clock for several years by the young clerk as he 
passed through the gate on his way to the city. He 
was extremely cautious in business, and conscientious 
in every relation he sustained. His father's misfor- 
tunes, which had deeply impressed him as he 
gradually heard from friends of their serious extent 
and consequences, produced in him an almost 
extreme objection to any approach to extravagance. 
The father had been too fond of society — the son 
despised it too much. His sister complained that he 

32 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch. li. 

would never dress in the evening, and that he wore 
at her parties in New Ormond Street the clothes in 
which he had come from business. He disliked mere 
visiting all his life, but always sought the society of 
men whose character or attainments made them 
worth knowing. In such society he was always 
welcome. His- lively interest in all literary and 
scientific subjects, his wide and diligent reading, and 
his inherited love of art, opened the doors of artists 
and scientific men and men of letters, which re- 
mained closed to many better dressed but less in- 
telligent persons. 

While Samuel was thus going backwards and 
forwards between Clement's Lane and Stoke New- 
ington, gaining the confidence of his relatives in 
the banking-house and becoming a mainstay of his 
motherly half sister at home, the other members of the 
family were also pushing into life. His elder brother 
Sutton, who had been regarded as one of the most 
promising boys in Mr. Cogan's school, was articled 
in 1815 to the eminent firm of Messrs. Graham, 
Kinderley and Domville, of Lincoln's Inn. He had 
been a diligent student at school, where he had 
gained an extensive acquaintance with English 
literature, to which he had added, in his holidays, 
a good knowledge of chemistry. During the five 
years in which he was articled he showed the same 
diligence in the study of law. Mr. Kelly, afterwards 
Sir Fitzroy Kelly, was a clerk in the same office and 
taught Sutton Sharpe, who was one year his junior, the 
Italian language. Sutton was a good French scholar 
and translated for an English publisher " De Pradt on 
the Colonies." On the expiration of his clerkship he 

i8i2-23.j Mary and Henry Sharpe. 33 

determined not to practise as a solicitor, but to go to 
the Bar. For this purpose he entered himself in the 
Middle Temple and took chambers in King's Bench 
Walk. He became the pupil, first of Mr. Richmond, 
the conveyancer, and afterwards of Mr. Spence, who 
was in large practice as an equity draughtsman. He 
was called to the Bar on the 21st June, 1822. The 
sister, Mary, who was two years younger than 
Samuel, was in feeble health, and had never left 
home. She received her education from Miss An- 
drews, the governess, and her sister Catharine. The 
cultivated tastes of her brothers filled their home 
with a literary atmosphere ; and Mary's delicate 
health made it quieter perhaps and more restful, but 
none the less happy. Henry, too, was far from 
strong, and for this reason was never sent to Mr. 
Cogan's school, as his elder brothers had been, but 
was taught first by his sister and the governess, and 
in 1812, at the age of ten, went to the day school 
kept by Mr. Bransby at Stoke Newington. But he 
was as diligent as all the rest ; and laid the founda- 
tion of a solid education in a school time of five 
years. While at school he formed a warm friendship 
with William Drusina, a schoolfellow from Hamburg, 
and acquired from him the elements of German. 
On leaving Mr. Bransby's in 1817, Henry went on a 
visit to his friend's mother in Hamburg. It was a 
long voyage in those days ; and he was three weeks 
at sea. His sister had a plan for sending him to 
school in Hamburg, and he was eventually placed in 
the family of Mr. and Mrs. Knoop, who had a son of 
his own age. Here he stayed five years, during which 
he made himself as familiar with German as with his 


34 Henry and Willtam Sharpe. [Ch. ii. 

native language, besides acquiring French, Spanish 
and Portuguese. Mrs. Knoop became a second 
mother to him and spoke of him as her English son. 
Henry himself became so much attached to Ham- 
burg that he seriously thought of settling there ; and 
went into a merchant's office. In his few visits to 
England he looked back to Hamburg as his real 
home ; and to the end of his life retained many of 
his friendships there and paid the city a holiday visit 
every three or four years. His sister, however, 
succeeded in persuading him not' to settle abroad, 
and he returned to England in the same year in 
which his brother Sutton was called to the Bar. He 
went into the office of Mr. Van Zeller, a Portuguese 
merchant, and lived with his brothers and sisters in 
New Ormond Street. 

The two younger brothers, William who had been 
born in 1804, and Daniel who was born in 1806, 
seem to have been kept under home teaching till the 
year 18 16. Their sister writes in her diary in that 
year: "William and Dan went to Mr. Bransby's 
school ; Henry went to Hamburg ; Miss Andrews left 
us." William was afterwards sent to a boarding- 
school at Cheam. It was his sister's desire that he 
should be an architect. He seemed born to be an 
artist, and very early showed a correctness of eye and 
hand, and a power of calculation and arrangement, 
which together seemed to justify his sister's choice. 
His own desire was in harmony with her wish; but 
it was not to be gratified. His artistic talent was 
only to be the pleasant recreation of a hardworking 
life, and his power of calculation and arrangement 
was to be used in giving invaluable advice and aid 

1 8 12-22.] William and Daniel Sharpe. 35 

to those who asked it from him. As Sutton had 
resolved to take the higher branch of the legal pro- 
fession, William, at sixteen years of age, was put in 
his place in Sir William Domville's office, where he 
remained till he was twenty-one. 

Daniel, the youngest, was naturally the last at 
school. He had two years at Mr. Bransby's, and then, 
at twelve, was sent to Mr. Cogan's, where Benjamin 
Disraeli was one of his schoolfellows, and where, like 
his two elder brothers, he got thoroughly grounded 
in the classics. He left Mr. Cogan's at sixteen and 
returned to the new home, to which the family had 
removed in the year before, in New Ormond Street. 

It was while Daniel was still at school, but after 
the other four were all settled at business, that the 
removal from Paradise Row had been resolved on. 
Their sister's plan had been to keep them together as 
much as possible, to make them appreciate the com- 
fort of home,*and to preserve in them the sense of 
family life. For this purpose the country — for in 
those days Stoke Newington was so regarded — had 
suited them admirably in their boyhood ; but it 
suited them no longer. Catharine herself gives a full 
account of her reasons for making the change : 

The period was now approaching that seemed to require a 
change in our way of hfe. Hitherto a residence in the country 
had been most desirable for the family. Sutton being in cham- 
bers, Sam was the only one settled, and he could return of an 
evening to tea. But now William was to be articled in the same 
office as his brother, their hours would not allow of his return- 
ing at night to Newington. The last fourteen years had passed 
iri their education as children ; they were now to take their 
stations in the world as men. The most ardent wish of my 
heart had ever been, when this period did arrive, to be enabled 

D 2 

36 Life in New Ormond Street. [Ch. 1 1. 

still to keep the family together, and afford these young men a 
home such as they would prefer, from inclination, to any more 
independent way of life. But should I have the power of making 
it so ? All rested on myself (for I could with pride assert that 
they were, every one of them, such as any parent might glory 
in), and however right I might be in theory I might fail in 
practice. We took a house in New Ormond Street. In the 
autumn Henry returned to us from Hamburg, finally to settle 
in this country. 

Samuel gives his own account of this period of his 
life :— 

In 1821 I removed with my sister to No. 12, New Or- 
mond Street. At that time Sutton was a barrister in the 
Temple, Henry had returned home from a clerkship in 
Hamburg, William was in an attorney's office, and Dan 
was at school. Here I continued with the same quiet and 
studious habits. Our removal into London took me a little 
more into society, but not much. I became a Fellow of 
the Geological Society by the introduction of Dr. Bostock, 
and intimate with Joseph Woods, the architect and botan- 
ist, and Bicheno the naturalist, who both lived in Furni- 
val's Inn. With them I used sometimes to meet several 
men of Science, such as Colby and Drummond, of the 
Trigonometrical Survey, Horsfield, Bell, Yarrell, and other 
members of the Linnaean Society. But certainly my most 
valuable friend at this time was Joseph Janson. My ac- 
quaintance began with him at Stoke Newington while my 
cousin Sarah, afterwards my dear wife, was a governess in 
his brother's family at Stamford Hill. He was a most 
judicious, sensible man; a deep thinker, and clear in 
conversation and a great reader. When I was nineteen 
years old, he was eight-and-twenty ; and it certainly was 
one of the events of my life when he invited me to join 
him in a tour through the Netherlands and Holland to 
some of the picturesque parts of the Rhine. The differ- 
ence in our ages made the invitation most flattering, and 

I822.J The Family settled. 37 

the journey most instructive, and he kindly accommodated 
himself to what was necessary on my part, that we should 
travel at. small expense. I have known many men of 
greater learning, I have received from others greater ad- 
vantages in the way of introduction to men of letters, but 
I have never had any friend whose conversation was to me 
so improving. Our journey occupied exactly four weeks. 
During my clerkship in Clement's Lane I was allowed such 
a holiday about once in three years. I spent the first most 
agreeably with my uncle Dan at Wassal Grove, turning 
over with him the books in his valuable library, and ram- 
bling in Hagley Park with my cousins. This journey with 
Joseph Janson was ray second holiday. My third was 
again with Mr. Janson and his cousins, Mr. and Mrs. Bar- 
ton, to Paris, where I had the pleasure of seeing Humboldt, 
and passing an evening with Helen Maria Williams. My 
fourth holiday I spent with my brother Dan in a ramble 
through North Wales. 

The year 1822 was memorable in the family his- 
tory as that in which the youngest of the boys left 
school and went into business. Catharine writes as 
follows under the date 1822: "Dan joined Henry 
in Mr. Van Zeller's office." She was now forty years 
old. The best part of her life had been devoted to 
this group of orphan children, and she now had 
the satisfaction of seeing them all more or less 
settled in life. After the line just quoted she writes 
in her journal — it is the last entry but one in what 
remains of her diary : 

Thus they were all now established in their respective 
branches, all present anxiety about them at an end ; and 
here I feel my efforts cease. I have done all in my power 
for their advantage, the rest must depend upon themselves. 

38 Catharine Sharpes Work done. [Ch. II. 

They must now make their own way in the world. I .have 
laboured to make them active, independent, industrious, 
and I feel confident I have not laboured in vain, and that 
if I live I shall see them upright and conscientious members 
of society. 



The removal of the family to New Ormond Street 
was very soon followed by an important change in 
the fortunes of the subject of this biography. We 
have already seen how his admirable business 
qualities gained the complete confidence of his 
relatives in the banking-house, and how in the 
beginning of 1824, when he had been nine years 
serving as a clerk, he was admitted as a partner. 
Catharine records it in a supplementary entry in her 
diary, the last words the diary contains : — 

This year (1824) was ushered in by a most joyful and un- 
expected event. Sam was taken into the firm at Clement's 
Lane. Mr. Henry Rogers, who, at my father's death promised 
to be a father to the children and a brother to myself, has 
invariably kept his word to us all. He now withdrew from the 
concern, appointing Sam in his place. Independently of the 
great advantage in a pecuniary point of view, his choice was 
most gratifying, as proving his high confidence in Sam's 
character, who, henceforward, is to assist the others in their 
progress through life, now that he is himself established. 

Samuel speaks of this improyement in his position 
as giving him a moderate income, but making no 
change in his habits of life. He continued to live 
during the next three years and a half with his 

40 Mr. Edwin Field. [Ch. hi. 

brothers and sisters in New Ormond Street. It was 
a happy and prosperous household ; the brothers full 
of intellectual eagerness and enthusiasm, the sisters, 
in their very different modes, entering into all their 
pursuits, and enjoying their lively talk. During 
this residence in New Ormond Street many friend- 
ships were formed. One of these was with Mr. 
Edwin Wilkins Field, who was the same age as 
William Sharpe. Mr. Field was the eldest son 
of the Rev. William Field, Unitarian minister of 
Warwick, the friend and biographer of Dr. Parr. 
His grandfather, who was the founder of the London 
Annuity Society, had married Anne, the great- 
granddaughter of Henry Cromwell, son of the 
Protector. Mr. Field was articled in 182 1 to Messrs. 
Taylor and Roscoe, Solicitors, of King's Bench Walk, 
Temple. William Sharpe had been articled in the 
previous year ; and the two clerks, having many 
feelings and opinions in common, became intimate 
friends. In 1826 they began business together as 
solicitors in Bread Street, Cheapside. Mr. Field 
became engaged to his partner's sister, Mary Sharpe, 
and they were married in 1830. Mary's health had 
always been a source of anxiety to her family, and 
it did not permanently improve after her marriage. 
Soon after the birth of her only child, she died 
suddenly, during a visit to Leamington, in the second 
year of her married life. This was the first break in 
the family since the double bereavement in 1806. 
Writing in 1840 Samuel says :— " Last time I was at 
Warwick it was to be present at the funeral of my 
sister Mary, and this time I was pleased to see the 
slab which her husband has put up to her memory in 

i8o6-22.] Mr. and Mrs. Kinder. 41 

Mr. Field's chapel." Mary possessed much of the 
brightness and sweetness which were the great charm 
of her mother. Her son, who was named after the 
family of his grandmother, is Mr. Rogers Field, the 
eminent sanitary engineer. 

The closest intimacy of the Sharpe family was, 
with Mr. and Mrs. Kinder and their sons and 
daughters. Mr. Kinder was a merchant, trading 
with the United States, whom the Orders in Council 
had nearly ruined, as they did so many others, and 
who had removed to London. Mi-s. Kinder, his 
second wife, was the daughter of Dr. Enfield, the 
compiler of "Enfield's Speaker," and author of the 
" History of Philosophy." Mr. Kinder and his eldest 
daughter were living at Stoke Newington in 1806 ; 
and Catharine Sharpe had removed thither from Not- 
tingham Place in order to be near them. She had 
taken the next house, and a communication was 
opened between the two dwellings. The Kinders 
had removed to Cheapside before the Sharpe family 
came into New Ormond Street ; and this latter 
change restored the former intimacy. One of 
Samuel Sharpe's most cherished recollections in his 
later years was that of spending an evening with Dr. 
Channing, at their house in Cheapside, in 1822. Dr. 
Channing was then but little known in England, 
and he visited this country as an invalid in search of 
health and quiet. The connection of the Kinders 
with the United States brought many American 
Unitarians to their home. Among the other friends 
of those days were many men who became distin- 
guished in later years — Charles Crompton, after- 
wards Mr. Justice Crompton ; Charles Fellows, 

42 Other Friends. [Ch. hi. 

who was knighted for his valuable researches in 
Lycia ; James Carter, afterwards Sir James Carter, 
who was for many years Chief Justice of St. John's ; 
Mr. Thomas Field Gibson, one of the Commissioners 
for the Exhibition of 1851 ; Mr. Henry Roscoe, son 
and biographer of the eminent historian; Mr. Yate 
Lee, and Mr. Reginald Parker (afterwards partner 
of William Sharpe). With their uncle Samuel 
Rogers there was intercourse both of business and 
of family connection and friendship, and more 
especially with his brother Henry Rogers, who was 
justly regarded by the family as a second father, and 
who had given Samuel Sharpe a junior partnership 
in the bank. Mr. Henry Rogers is still remembered 
by friends and neighbours at Highbury as the light 
and charm of the circle he moved in. He was the 
kind of man Emerson may have had in view, when 
in his essay on Character he wrote, " I revere the 
man who is riches ; so that I cannot think of him as 
alone, or poor, or exiled, or unhappy, or a client, but 
as perpetual patron, benefactor and beatified man." 
Among the circle of friends at Highbury was the 
family of Mr. James Bischoff. Mrs. Bischoff was the 
sister of Mr. Stansfeld of Halifax, whose son, the 
Right Honourable James Stansfeld, has long worthily 
represented that town in Parliament. Mr. Bischoff's 
third daughter married the Rev. Thomas Madge, the 
eminent and revered successor of the Rev. Theophi- 
lus Lindsey and the Rev. Thomas Belsham in the 
pulpit of the Unitarian Chapel in Essex Street. Mrs. 
Madge and her younger sister still live in the home 
of their childhood in Highbury Terrace. Their 
friendship with Mr. Henry Rogers and his nephews 

1820-24.] Sarah Sharpe. 43 

and nieces, especially with their neighbours Samuel 
and William Sharpe, continued unbroken to the end ; 
and is now perpetuated in the present generation of 
the Sharpe family. 

The young men, thus brought together by busi- 
ness relations and by personal and family friend- 
ships, formed a very energetic and strenuous group. 
There are glimpses in letters and journals of gay 
evening parties, and of boating excursions on 
the river. The Thames of sixty years ago differed 
less from that of the days of Queen Elizabeth 
than from the river which the present genera- 
tion of Londoners see from the Embankment. Mr. 
Edwin Field writes in his diary, about the year 
1824 : "Swam from Waterloo to Blackfriars Bridge, 
and could have gone twice as far with the greatest 
ease." Some of the Sharpes kept a boat at the 
bottom of Arundel Street, Strand, and it was no un- 
common event for them to take their elder sister 
and their friends for pleasant excursions on the 
then undefiled stream. Samuel Sharpe was not 
often with his brothers in these excursions. He 
was more disposed to spend any leisure which 
business and study left him in visits to Stamford 
Hill. One of his principal friendships was 
with Mr. Joseph Janson, brother of Mr. Halsey 
Janson, of Stamford Hill, in whose house lived 
his cousin, Sarah Sharpe. She was a daughter 
of his father's younger brother, Joseph, the 
King Street brewer, who had exerted so much 
influence on the mind of Catharine Sharpe in her 
girlhood, and whose early death in 1 797, at the age 
of thirty-one, left a great gap in his niece's life. 

44 Marriage. Ch. hi. 

Joseph Sharpe had a family of eight children, three 
of whom died in childhood, and a fourth at the age 
of twenty-one. Samuel Sharpe knew only four of 
them: Sutton, who became a lieutenant in the navy, 
and died in 1823 at the same age as his father, 
thirty-one ; Joseph, who entered the service of the 
East India Company and died in India, leaving one 
son ; Charlotte, who lived unmarried, survived her 
brothers and sisters by thirty years, and died at 
Cherbourg in 1881, at the age of ninety; and 
Sarah, who became his wife. His cousins and their 
mother had lived with their grandmother Sharpe 
at Croydon till her death. They had no elder 
relative to take care of them when their mother 
died, and when Sarah, who was the youngest, left 
school, Catharine Sharpe placed her as governess in 
the family of Mr. Halsey Janson of Stamford Hill. 
She lived there twelve years, and during the latter 
part of the time her cousin Samuel was a frequent 
visitor at the house, from which, in 1827, he took 
her away as his wife. She was three years older 
than he, having been born in 1796. The engagement 
had not been a long one. There are a couple of 
letters from her written in February and September 
1820, thanking him for presents, but plainly showing 
that she was not then actually engaged to him. 

On their marriage they took a house in Canonbury 
Place, No. 4, where they lived the quiet domestic 
life which both of them preferred, keeping very little 
company. She was a cultivated woman, and made 
her studious husband just the kind of home which 
suited his inclinations and habits. Their attachment 
to one another was very great, and they were not 

1827.] Early Married Life. 45 

anxious for society. Samuel Sharpe had always 
objected to his sister's open evenings in New 
Ormond Street. He complained that only people 
whom nobody wanted to see ever found time to go 
to such parties. He had an intense dislike of the 
show and emulation which are among the great evils 
of modern society. He had determined from the 
first to live very far within his means ; and this de- 
termination met with the full sympathy of his wife. 
He used to say that one of the most generous things 
which can be done towards one's friends is to live 
less expensively than they; that those who do anything 
for show, will always find some one who must outdo 
them, and that it is a benefit to such to leave to them 
the satisfaction of their ambition, and to go one's own 
way and live by one's own rule. All his life he had 
the courage of these opinions. From the first setting 
up of his household in Canonbury Place to the 
remote day when he went to his own room in his 
house in Highbury Place to lie down and die, there 
was in his home nothing superfluous, nothing to 
parade, or even to indicate wealth. It was the fit 
home of a man of learning and taste, with traces 
of his love of Egyptian lore. In this quiet life the 
years flowed on, with very few important changes to 
mark their progress. He himself, writing in 1854, 
sums up in half a dozen sentences the domestic 
events of four-and-twenty years : — 

On our marriage we took a house in Canonbury Place, 
No. 4, and lived quietly, with very little visiting. There 
five of our children were born, beside one that died within 
a few weeks of its birth. They were all for the most part 
educated at home by their mother, and it is unnecessary for 

46 The Family in New Ormond St. [Ch. ill. 

me to describe her good qualities to them, as they all 
remember her and cherish her memory. In 1840 we 
removed to a larger house, No. 32, Highbury Place. There 
my youngest child was born; and there, in June, 1851, 
my dear wife died. My six children have most dutifully 
and affectionately done their best to lessen the blank of 
widowhood to me ; and they make me yet more grateful to 
their mother's memory, by letting me see what I owe to 
her forming their minds so carefully. 

It is, perhaps, right to follow to some extent the 
example thus set, and to pass over with but brief 
notice the purely domestic history of these years. 
But the quietest and most uneventful life can only 
be appreciated and understood when it is seen, like 
a jewel, in its setting. A man's qualities are not the 
result of his environment, any more than those of 
the steel blade are due to the workman who shaped 
it ; but his exhibition and expression of them are 
moulded by the circumstances in which he is placed. 
We have already seen what were the early influences 
which determined much of Samuel Sharpe's conduct. 
The family group in New Ormond Street were, from 
the first, deeply interested in all the public events of 
their time. The young men, all of whom, except 
Daniel the youngest, were Liberals, had qualified 
themselves as voters for the county of Middlesex and 
for the City of London, that they might throw their 
influence on the Liberal side. In the exciting politi- 
cal struggles of those times it was the duty of every 
Liberal to get and to use as much voting power as 
the law allowed him. Samuel Sharpe acted on this 
principle. He took up his freedom in the Haber- 
dashers' Company for the sake of the City vote it 

1806-19.] The Era before Reform. 47 

gave him. He also held a qualification as a free- 
holder for Middlesex. The country was then 
under the blight of a long Tory ascendancy. Mr. 
Fox had died in the same month as Sutton 
Sharpe, September 1806. In 1807 the Ministry 
of All the Talents had been dissolved after a 
short thirteen months of office, and a Tory reign 
of twenty years' duration had set in. One of the 
earliest recollections of these young men in their 
boyhood was the assassination of Mr. Perceval, the 
Prime' Minister, in the lobby of the House of Com- 
mons, in 18 12. He was succeeded by Lord Liver- 
pool, and during the fourteen years that followed, it 
must have seemed to the people at large as though 
Lord Liverpool at the Treasury, Lord Eldon in the 
Chancellorship, Lord Castlereagh at the Foreign 
Office, and Lord Sidmouth as Home Secretary, had 
become the permanent rulers of England. They had 
the credit of bringing the great war to a successful 
close, and the nation's gratitude for Peace, together 
with the reaction against the doctrines of the French 
Revolution, enabled them to resist with success all 
suggestions for Reform. The old King died and the 
Regent came to the throne ; but Lord Liverpool's 
reign was not broken. 

The relations between the ruling classes and the 
people of this country had been illustrated in 18 19 
by the dispersion of the great meeting for Reform 
in Manchester, by a combined charge of cavalry and 
yeomanry, who rode down upon the unarmed multi- 
tude, killing eleven, and wounding several hundreds. 
They were further exhibited on the popular side by the 
irresistible burst of applause which, three years later. 

48 The Struggle for Reform. [Ch. ill. 

broke from the assembled crowd when the coffin of 
Lord Londonderry was carried into the Abbey. The 
fierce political hatred which such events reveal made 
the Reform movement of those days a difficult and 
dangerous task, compared with which all later 
political agitation has been mere play. It was -sup- 
pressed civil war. The Reformers of those days 
risked their personal liberty in the effiDrt "to make 
the bounds of freedom wider yet." If a man called 
attention to an abuse, he was probably accused of 
libel or sedition and sent to prison. If he tried to 
do a little good to his neighbours, he was sure to 
bring on himself suspicion and discomfort. The 
Parliamentary leaders. Lord Grey and Lord John 
Russell, had everything against them in the two 
Houses of Parliament ; but they were supported by 
the growing intelligence and enlightenment of the 
times ; and commanded the personal allegiance of 
the most vigorous minds of the younger generation. 
They were the leaders of a great host ; the captains 
of an army which grew in numbers and in zeal every 
year. They could have done nothing without the 
constant and hearty support of unnamed men, who 
risked much and gained nothing — whom no history 
records, no monuments celebrate, and no titles have 
adorned. The struggle for liberty, enlightenment, 
and social progress in England, as in the United 
States, has been a soldier's battle. It has been the 
case of Cromwell's Ironsides over again. All over 
England, Wales and Scotland, there have been small 
groups of religious people, with an Independent, or 
Baptist, or Quaker meeting-house, a Unitarian or 
Presbyterian chapel as their centre, on whom the 

1822-32.] The Struggle f 07' Reform. 49 

burden of nearly every political and social conflict 
has fallen. It was to such men the Whig leaders 
looked for support ; it was from them that politicians 
like Lord Russell, who did not sympathize with their 
nonconformity, caught their enthusiasm for bettering 
the world. These were the men who started Sunday- 
schools and day-schools, .and woke up both Parlia- 
ment and the Church to their duty to the great 
masses of the people. They were fired by "the 
enthusiasm of humanity," and the Whig leaders 
found, as Mr. Gladstone has found, that to be at their 
head is to lead an invincible host. 

Like all men who had been Reformers before 
Reform, Samuel Sharpe looked back with enthusi- 
astic admiration to the heroic age of Liberalism. 
He could compare the present with the past. He 
had lived in the old intolerant era of the Georges, 
and in the new Liberal England of the present reign. 
He felt that he had had a share in the decisive 
struggle by which the greatest bloodless revolution 
in history had been brought about. To his latest 
days he spoke with enthusiasm of Lord Grey's 
leadership, of the devotion with which he had inspired 
his followers, of the quiet persistency with which he 
upheld the popular cause in adverse times, and of the 
long delayed triumph which came at last. No veteran 
fighting his battles over again and thrice slaying the 
slain could dwell upon the past with deeper feeling. 
His voice often trembled as he spoke. Not that his 
Liberal sympathies were limited to the past. They 
followed every Liberal movement of the time, and no 
young pohtician welcomed with more gladness the 
great national awakening which in the spring of 


50 The Great Victory. [Ch. hi. 

1880 swept the Beaconsfield-Salisbury administration 
into Milton's limbo and called Mr. Gladstone back to 
power. He naturally felt that the controversies of 
later years had less significance than the decisive 
conflicts of his earlier days. Then everything 
was at stake, and it may well have seemed to 
those who took part in the struggle that almost 
everything was won. It was in the first year of 
his married life that the Test and Corporation 
Acts were repealed ; and in the very next year 
the Duke of Wellington was compelled to con- 
cede Catholic Emancipation. Everything else fol- 
lowed : the Reform Bill in 1832 ; the abolition of 
slavery in the West Indies in 1834 ; the reform of 
the Corporations in 1835 ; the Dissenters' Marriage. 
Act in 1836. A period of fierce agitation, coming 
very near at times to actual civil war, led to seven 
years of continuous and beneficent change, which 
realized much for which the best friends of liberty 
had longed and worked, and which transformed the 
English world. 

In these struggles Samuel Sharpe took an active 
though not prominent part. He had struck a blow 
at the Test and Corporation Acts in a magazine 
article which, under the title of " Who paid for the 
London Mansion House .'' " had reminded the world 
that the building was erected with money wrung from 
Dissenters by fines. He wished that this ingenious 
extortion should be remembered, and his statement 
of its method was republished in 1872. It is to the 
effect that the Mansion House was built in the years 
from 1739 to 1753; and a fund of ;^ 18,000 which 
had been accumulated by the fines of Dissenters was 

I739-53-] Dissenters and the Corporation. 51 

voted by the Corporation towards its cost. These 
fines had been levied under an Act of the Restora- 
tion era, by which every person who accepted an 
office under the Corporation without taking the Com- 
munion according to the rites of the Established 
Church was subject to a fine of ;£'soo. An earlier 
Act requires every man who is elected as Sheriff to 
pay a fine of ££po to the Corporation if he declines 
to serve. In the reign of George the Second it 
occurred to a shrewd lawyer that these two Acts 
could be worked together to the great disadvantage 
of Dissenters and the great advantage of the City 
purse. Accordingly a Dissenter was elected Sheriff. 
As he could not conscientiously take the Sacrament 
he chose the alternative of declining to serve, and 
paid his fine of ;^400. Another Dissenter was 
immediately elected, and took the same course. The 
election of Dissenters was repeated till forty-five had 
paid the fine for refusal to serve. The Dissen- 
ters were then roused to resistance, and the forty- 
sixth refused either to serve or to pay. An action 
was brought against him for the recovery of the fine, 
but the Judge held that the Act which disqualified 
a Dissenter relieved him of the duty. The City 
appealed to the House of Lords, but the decision of 
the Court below was upheld. The City, however, 
refused to disgorge the money it had already illegally 
wrung from the forty-five men it had fined ; and the 
sum, ^18,000, was voted to the building fund of the 
Mansion House, which, says Samuel Sharpe, " con- 
sequently remains as a monument of the unjust 
manner in which Dissenters were treated in the last 

E 2 

52 Nonconformist Disabilities. [Ch. III. 

He suffered, as all Dissenters did before 1836, 
from another of the evils which the Established 
Church so long inflicted on the country. In the 
early years of his married life the parochial registers 
were the only legal evidence of birth, and the parish 
church was the only place in which a marriage could 
be legally solemnised. He and his brothers and 
sisters had all been christened at Marylebone Church; 
and his marriage to his cousin Sarah, which took 
place from Mr. Janson's house at Stamford Hill 
in 1827, had necessarily been performed by the parish 
clergyman in the parish church. But he and his wife 
had definitely taken the position of Nonconformists, 
and he probably held in those days, the opinion 
which he advocated all the rest of his life, that the 
ceremony of baptism belonged only to the missionary 
days of Christianity, and had no significance in 
Christian countries. Apart from this objection, the 
baptismal ceremony of the Church of England, which 
is appropriate and beautiful to those who hold its 
doctrines, involves an implied pledge to bring up the 
children as members of that Church. To give this 
pledge without the intention of keeping it was as 
impossible as any other act of insincerity to Samuel 
Sharpe and his wife. Their children, therefore, were 
not baptized at church, and not registered by the 
parish, as the parish officers registered baptisms only 
and not births. The Dissenters, however, had set up 
a registration of their own. In the older chapels of 
the English Presbyterians, nearly all of which became 
Unitarian in their theology, baptismal registers were 
regularly kept ; for other Dissenters a complete and 
organized registration of births was carried on at 

1827-36.] A Theological Nonconformist. 53 

Dr. Williams's Library. A friend of the mother was 
usually present at the birth of the child ; and her 
signature was added to that of the parents in the 
notice which was sent to the Library. In this way a 
very complete system of registering births had been 
established among Dissenters for generations before 
the Registration Act of 1836. The births of Samuel 
Sharpe's first four children were registered in this 
mode. These non-parochial registers were formally 
legalized and collected at Somerset House under the 
new Act. So much easier in England is political 
reform than that which touches ecclesiastical exclu- 
siveness, that the passing of the Registration Act, 
which for the first time put all citizens on an equality 
in the legal recognition and official record of the 
births of their children, was one of the latest results 
of the Reform Act ; coming later than the abolition 
of slavery and the reform of the Corporations. 

It was in some degree on account of these relics 
of the evil days of enforced ecclesiastical uniformity 
that Samuel Sharpe was driven by a sense of public 
duty to separate himself from the Established Church. 
He tells us how he became not only a political Non- 
conformist, but a theological Nonconformist too — 

It was soon after removing to New Ormond Street that 
I first subscribed to a Unitarian place of worship. Not 
that I then particularly examined the subject to form my 
opinions, but that I examined my feelings and made up 
my mind that having a general disapproval of the creeds 
and articles of the Church, it was right to profess that 
disapproval. In taking this very important step, I was helped 
to an impartial decision by the circumstance that I had 
friends and relations belonging to both sects. My father's 

54 The Rev. W. J. Fox. [Ch. in. 

family were not Dissenters, and my mother, though before 
her marriage she had attended upon Dr. Price, Dr. Towers, 
and others at Newington-green meeting-house, yet after her 
marriage she always accompanied my father to Marylebone 
Church. We children had all been baptized by the 
parish clergyman, and as soon as we were old enough 
always went to Church regularly. But after the death of 
our father and mother, we were thrown very much among 
our mother's relations, and therefore from the age of eight 
I had been in the unusual position of being taught to go 
to Church, and to adopt the Church opinions, while, with 
the exception of my brothers and sisters, I was wholly 
surrounded by Unitarians. When controversies arose at 
school, I always took the orthodox side. I read books 
upon the subject ; I afterwards read the Greek Testament 
critically, and more particularly Griesbach's text, a copy of 
which had been given me by Mr. Joseph Janson. I thus 
gradually formed my opinions, and it was upon considera- 
tion of the odium and legal disabilities that yet remained 
attached to a denial of the Trinity, that I made up my mind 
that it was a duty to bear my share of the burden. 

The Unitarian Chapel to which he thus attached 
himself was the new one which had then just been 
erected in South Place, Finsbury, for the late Rev. 
W. J. Fox. Mr. Fox had come to London in 1817 
as the successor to the Rev. William Vidler, at the 
old chapel in Parliament Court, Artillery Row. He 
was a forcible and eloquent speaker, with an exquisite 
voice, a perfect delivery, and that kindling power 
which is the true mark of the orator and the preacher. 
His sermons speedily attracted a great congregation, 
which overflowed the small building in Parliament 
Court, and rendered needful the erection of a more 
capacious chapel. At South Place the congregation 

I8I7-37-] Mr. Fox's Preaching. 55 

found room for expansion, and expanded accordingly. 
Those who listened to Mr. Fox in those best days of 
his ministry, never forgot its elevating influence on 
their thoughts and lives. Those who remain still 
speak with gratitude of the stimulus to thought, the 
inward refreshment, the encouragement to every noble 
deed and lofty hope, which his sermons communicated 
to them week by week. When they had once felt 
the charm they could not miss an opportunity- of 
yielding to it again. They were drawn to the preacher 
by the irresistible attraction of his eloquence and 
insight. He taught them as one that had authority, 
and not as the commonplace expounders of texts. He 
spoke as one who could communicate to others what 
he saw, and felt and handled of the word of life. 
Perhaps no greater benefit can come to young people 
of quick intelligence than to fall under the spell of 
such a preacher. It changes, for them, the whole 
aspect of the world. The influence may pass away, 
but it may also endure, and when it endures it pro- 
duces an elevated tone of thought and character 
which keeps life pure and worthy. Mr. Fox's preach- 
ing had such a lasting influence on many of the young 
people who come within the scope of this biography. 
Fifty years afterwards some of them still speak of it 
with enthusiasm ; and look back on it as the most 
marked and most valuable religious influence which 
has ever been exerted on their lives. 

It was, however, at a later period that Samuel 
Sharpe's great services to the Unitarian church took 
place. In these earlier days his main interest turned 
in other directions. He and most of the young men 
who formed his group of friends had attached them- 

56 Harp Alley School. [Ch. ill. 

selves to Mr. Fox's congregation, and some of them 
were in those days admirers of Mr. Fox rather than 
members of the Unitarian body. They afterwards 
became hberal supporters of Unitarian Christianity, 
and lived lives which did honour to its principles ; 
but the zeal which Samuel Sharpe exhibited in 
after years for the Unitarian view of Christianity 
was at this period of his life spread over many 
social, political, and scientific pursuits. The 
movement for the establishment of public ele- 
mentary schools which had originated with Dr. 
Bell, and took popular .shape under Mr. Joseph 
Lancaster, — antagonists as these two men thought 
themselves — commanded the warm interest and sup- 
port of Samuel and some of his brothers. A Lan- 
castrian school, afterwards called a British School, 
was established in Harp Alley, Farringdon Street, 
and in this school Samuel, Henry and Daniel Sharpe 
taught classes for many years, on their way to the 
City in the morning. In this school Mr. Edwin Field 
formed a drawing class, and turned away once a week 
from the busy work of a rising lawyer to teach poor 
children the accomplishment in which he found 
delightful recreation. Daniel Sharpe differed from 
his brothers in the possession of a genius for natural 
science. In 1827 he joined the Geological Society, 
of which he afterwards became President. Samuel 
was elected a Fellow of that society probably about 
the same time. His interest, however, was in anti- 
quarian and mathematical investigation rather than 
geological inquiry, and hence we find him con- 
tributing to the Philosophical Magazine in July, 
1828, an article "On the Figure of the Cells of 

1827-31.] Articles in Philosophical Magazine. 57 

the Honeycomb." In the August number in the 
same year is an article, illustrated by a drawing, 
" On the Vitrified Fort of Dunnochgoil, in the Isle 
of Bute." In the same Magazine for August, 183 1, 
is a paper " On the Theory of Differences," in 
which four propositions are carefully worked out. 
At the same time he was laying the foundation of 
his Egyptian knowledge, and pursuing the studies 
which, in much later years, enabled him to revise 
the authorised English version of the Old and 
New Testaments. 

There would be nothing remarkable in all this in- 
tellectual activity if it had characterised a life of studi- 
ous leisure. But Samuel Sharpe, like his contemporary 
Mr. Grote, was all the time an active member of 
a banking firm. With wide differences of tem- 
perament and opinion, there was a curious parallel- 
ism between the two men. They had each gone to 
business at sixteen, had both thrown themselves into 
the agitation for political reform, and had each spent 
the leisure which young men usually give to enjoy- 
ment in study and self-improvement. But Samuel 
Sharpe had less opportunity, though not less capacity, 
for entering on public life. For many years he was 
obliged to pay very close attention to business. He 
had become a partner in 1824 ; and the terrible 
monetary crisis in 1825, when business houses were 
falling and banks stopping payment all over the 
country, must have caused him the keenest anxiety. 
In a very few years the chief responsibility for the 
bank in Clement's Lane rested upon him ; and he 
had a full sense of its magnitude. Happily he took 
to business not only the characteristic caution which 

58 Domestic Life. [Ch. ill. 

the times greatly needed, but the zest and activity 
and thoroughness which belonged to him in all he 
did. His time was thus divided between business 
and home ; and the energy which even the manage- 
ment of a bank did not exhaust was thrown into his 
favourite studies. Yet, with all this work, no home 
duty was neglected. He did not shut himself up 
with his books and papers. He had no study, but 
worked in the room in which his wife sat and his 
children might come to play. On the days when he 
was at home to dinner he carved with a child upon 
his knee. The father's studies and writings were no 
burden in the family. They did not turn home into 
a workshop ; they were not allowed even to make it 
any the less home. Much as he loved his books, 
his hieroglyphics, his manuscripts and his proofs, 
they did not alienate him from his family, who seemed 
to share his studies and to love them almost as much 
as he loved them himself. He was by no means 
without that love of fame which Milton calls the last 
infirmity of noble minds ; but he had been called to 
a life of business work, and he made himself con- 
tented in it. He was willing even to forego all 
thought of public life and to satisfy an unquenchable 
love of knowledge and an irrepressible mental activity 
by the favourite studies which occupied his holidays 
and filled his evening leisure. 

Family life at this period was not without its anxie- 
ties. The children were delicate, and his own strength 
was sometimes overtaxed. Letters from his wife, 
written during visits to the seaside, exhibit much 
concern for his health. She urges him to go more 
to his brother Henry's at Hampstead, or to run down 

1830-40.] Three Brothers. 59 

to Margate by the steamer on Friday, and back on 
Monday, to get a whiff of the sea breeze to revive 
his spirits. In business he was cautious and anxious, 
though few shadows of pecuniary care seem to have 
fallen on his home. To such a man the enthusiasm with 
which he took up his various intellectual pursuits made 
them the best form of recreation. In the City, he was 
the banker and man of business ; at home, he was the 
poHtician, the philanthropist and the student. For 
many years he and his brothers, Henry and Daniel, 
dined together at their office in the City ; and the 
hour was given to pleasant social intercourse. The 
interval in business was a rest from business — 
filled with political and literary and scientific talk. 
The freshness, of mind thus kept was a marked 
characteristic of all three. They all had that reserve 
of energy which is the characteristic of successful 
men. There was zest in everything — in teaching 
poor children in Harp Alley school in the early 
morning, in the routine of bank or counting-house 
all day, in the politics or literature, or geological 
science, or Egyptian antiquities, or philanthropic 
efforts on behalf of the young working men of their 
neighbourhood, which occupied the evening. To such 
men alternation of activity was a kind of rest — change 
of work was better than play. 

6o Egyptian Shcdies. 



It was during these earlier years, while his young 
family was growing up around him, and while he 
was still in business, that Samuel Sharpe's chief works 
on Egyptian History and Antiquities were published. 
His interest in the subject is easily accounted for. 
The study had, for all Europe in those days, the 
charm of novelty ; it had for him the fascination of 
a series of enigmas, of which every patient student 
might hope to puzzle out the answers. This was the 
kind of intellectual exercise in which Samuel Sharpe 
delighted. His brother Daniel found similar interest 
in careful attempts to interpret the Lycian Inscrip- 
tions, and in similar study of the larger problem set 
by Nature herself in the strata which geological 
science was just beginning to read. In later years 
Samuel Sharpe made a careful and ingenious attempt 
to read the Sinaitic Inscriptions, and his fondness for 
inquiries of this kind was so great, that if an adver- 
tisement in cypher came under his notice, he would 
sit down and work at it till he had found the key 
and read it off. The hieroglyphics offered a similar 
problem. For many ages they had presented an 
insoluble enigma to the world. Various guesses at 
their meaning had been made, but they were mere 

1802-29.] Dr. Youngs Discoveries. 61 

guesses, and all were wrong. Even ChampolHon 
was misled in his earlier investigations by the false 
assumption which had made his predecessors stumble 
on the threshold of their investigations, that the 
hieroglyphic signs were ideographic ; that is to say, 
that each figure or combination of figures stood for 
an idea rather than for a sound. The discovery of 
the Rosetta stone, with its threefold inscription, first 
in hieroglyphics, then in the demotic or enchorial 
character, and lastly, in Greek, seemed to ofier a clue 
to the interpretation of the mysterious signs. But 
even this clue could not be followed till the traditional 
mode of regarding the hieroglyphics had been 
abandoned. ChampolHon himself made nothing of 
it till a Somersetshire Quaker, who had studied at 
Edinburgh and Gottingen, and afterwards graduated 
at Cambridge, brought to the question the habits 
and methods of modern science. Dr. Thomas 
Young, whose much ridiculed discovery of the inter- 
ference of rays of light with each other, has been 
admitted, since his death, to have established the 
undulatory theory, applied himself to the problems 
which the Rosetta stone presented, and found the 
way to solve them. Here was an inscription the 
meaning of which was known, but it was in unknown 
characters and an unknown language. It might be 
assumed that each character stood for the same 
thing wherever it occurred, and the first task was to 
fix the meaning of each sign or group of signs. Dr. 
Young was able to do this. He distributed the 
hieroglyphics of the inscription into sentences corre- 
sponding with those in the Greek, and then distin- 
guished many of the single signs. He found that 

62 Young and Champollion. [Ch. iv. 

kings' names were written within an enclosing line 
forming an oval, or ring; that names of private 
persons were followed by the sitting figure of a man 
or woman; and, that the hieroglyphic sighs were 
used as sounds or letters to spell out the word or 
name. He thus deciphered the name Ptolemy in 
the Rosetta stone, and that of Berenice on another 
monument. By this means five letters of the hiero- 
glyphic alphabet were fixed. With the key thus 
found, Champollion took up the task. Dr. Young 
died in 1829 while he was at work on the Egyptian 
Vocabulary ; but he left the clue he had successfully 
grasped in the hands of many eager followers. 
Champollion had the advantage of a bilingual 
inscription found on an obelisk at Philae, and, 
applying Young's discovery to it, he spelled out the 
name of Cleopatra in the hieroglyphic characters. 
Other names were slowly added, and at length a 
whole alphabet was formed. As words other than 
names were spelt out, it was soon seen that the 
Egyptian language, though not the extinct Coptic 
of the translation of the New Testament used by 
the Egyptian Christians, was probably an earlier 
form of the same dialect. Champollion threw sus- 
picion on his own discoveries by inventing Coptic 
words, or assuming that the words he read were those 
of lost forms of the Coptic ; but the general results 
of his method are now universally accepted by 
Egyptian scholars. The revelation of the meaning of 
the hieroglyphics of Egypt is one of the most strik- 
ing triumphs which inductive science has ever won. 
It belongs entirely to the present century, and Young 
and Champollion divide its honours between them. 

1830-36.] Interest in Egyptian Antiquities. 63 

They were both dead when Samuel Sharpe turned 
his attention to the subject. But the effect of their 
discoveries on the public mind was still fresh. They 
had lifted the corner of a veil which had been closely 
drawn for more than three thousand years. The 
glimpses of Egypt in the Bible history, and in the 
classical writers, had kept alive a general interest in 
that mysterious land ; and the promise which seemed 
now to be given, that its history was to be read and 
its secrets brought to light, kindled the imaginations 
of students. A new world seemed to be opening to 
them. Every step in the progress of discovery gave 
them new glimpses into the ever widening past — 
fresh extensions of human history backwards into 
the dawn of time. The great corridors • of the 
Egyptian temples led men back beyond what they 
had thought to be the beginnings of civilization, to 
times not only before the Flood, but before the 
period at which Archbishop Usher's accepted chro- 
nology had fixed the Creation itself. It was sup- 
posed by many that the learning of the Egyptians 
was all inscribed upon their monuments, that it had 
been lost when the key to the hieroglyphics was 
hidden, and would be revealed to the generation 
that should unlock them. Samuel Sharpe did not 
share these exaggerated anticipations. He said, 
with truth, that nothing more than praise of the dead, 
or expressions of religious hope, or words of regret 
and tendernessj is to be looked for in the inscriptions 
found in tombs. In temples little else than re- 
ligious maxims is to be expected, and on votive 
monuments nothing is usually placed but fulsome 
catalogues of a great man's deeds. The papyri on 

64 The "Early History of Egypt" [Ch. iv. 

which, probably, the actual literature, the science, and 
the philosophy of the ancient Egyptians were really 
written, have perished. Such treatises were not 
likely to be enclosed in the mummy-cases which 
have preserved such of these relics as have come 
down to our times. But though exaggerated expec- 
tations have been disappointed, it is still true that 
great results have been attained. The history of 
Egypt has been spelled out ; and great and unex- 
pected light has been thrown on the early history of 
civilization, and on the origin of some theological 
conceptions which have exerted great influence on 
the world. 

Dr. Young's account of his discoveries was the 
starting point of Samuel Sharpe's investigations. 
Mr. John Gardner Wilkinson, whose later work on the 
"Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians" 
gained for him the honour of Knighthood, had already 
published his "Materia Hieroglyphica," dating his 
preface from the Pyramids ; another book, with a 
dedication dated from Thebes, and a " Topographical 
Survey " of Thebes. When he had mastered these 
and all the chief works on the subject, including 
Champollion's, had studied Coptic, and had begun 
to form a hieroglyphical vocabulary for himself, 
Sharpe turned back to the rudiments of Egyptian 
knowledge in the classical and Hebrew writings. As 
the basis of a careful historical investigation, he com- 
piled his first book, " The Early History of Egypt 
from the Old Testament, Herodotus, Manetho, and 
the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions." Before he ven- 
tured to publish this volume, he naturally consulted 
his uncle, Samuel Rogers. Rogers was full of encour- 

1834-6.] Wilkinson and Sharpe. 65 

agement. To his nephew's modest under-estimate 
of himself, he replied in the vein for which he was 
celebrated : " Why ! surely you can do it if Wilkinson 
can ; his only thought is where to buy his kid gloves ! " 
Like many of Rogers's sayings, this expression hit 
off the foible of an able and estimable man. Wilkin- 
son's best friends would have recognized it with a 
smile. Mr. Bonomi, writing some years later, made 
similar fun of the same weakness. " We have got 
Wilkinson down here with an immense variety of 
waistcoats, some of them very distinguished . ones 
too.'' Wilkinson, however, had done much to advance 
knowledge. In writing his works he had an advan- 
tage over Sharpe which Rogers overlooked. He had 
spent twelve years in Egypt, and had himself brought 
over and given to the nation many of the relics 
which Sharpe had been studying in the British 
Museum. It was, of course, quite possible that 
though the work of discovery must be carried on 
upon the spot, the task of careful comparison and 
laborious induction could best be undertaken by a 
quiet student, exercising his patient ingenuity upon 
the material in the quiet of home. This was Samuel 
Sharpe's contribution to the slowly accumulating 
knowledge of the Egyptian antiquities. Patient labour 
in transcription of the hieroglyphics, and ingenious 
use of knowledge already gained in adding to it by 
a process of induction, were his chief services to 
this branch of learning. 

The problem he set himself to work out is 
thus stated in the Introduction to his Vocabulary : 
— "Granted a sentence in which most of the 
words are already known, required the meaning of 


66 Sharpens Independent Spirit. [Ch. iv. 

others." He adds that the problem is not always 
capable of being set in this form, and that when it is 
so set, it admits only of a solution more or less 
exact. His method was to reject all hypotheses, 
and, following Dr. Young, to bring the common- 
sense of a man of business, and the knowledge and 
experience of a man of the world, to bear on a sub- 
ject in which traditional methods had led to no 
results. The inquiry entered on in this independent 
spirit led him to independent conclusions. Both in 
his Egyptological and his Biblical studies the results 
he arrived at were in many points opposed to those 
which had gained general acceptance. But in each 
of these fields of investigation his great advantage 
was that he was free from common prepossessions ; 
that he had no foregone conclusions to support, and 
that there was no temptation to him to " make his 
judgment blind." He had the patience and the 
unresting energy which could follow up a slight clue 
as far as it would lead ; and would feel its way along 
a blind path, making sure of every step before the 
next was taken. This slow and sure method has 
neither the interest nor the romance of the bold 
exercise of the divining faculty, which leaps to con- 
clusions without troubling to form the premises ; but 
what it loses in attractiveness it gains in permanence 
and value. 

He speaks of these Egyptian studies as having 
been his "amusement during many years," and 
describes how he was led to them : — 

While living at Canonbury I belonged to a book-club, 
which met once a month to order books and circulate 

1S30-36.] His Early Egyptian Studies. 67 

them among the members. We bought Dr. Young's 
"Account of Discoveries in Hieroglyphical Literature," 
and shortly afters^ards Wilkinson's " Materia Hieroglyphica," 
which was then new, and with these books I was much 
interested. I had been latterly working after the hours of 
business at " Woodhouse's Astronomy " and making obser- 
vations with one of Troughton's Circles, as well as reading 
La Place's "M^canique Celeste." I was not displeased 
with my progress in mathematics, and felt my labour fully 
rewarded by being able to enter on the threshold of that 
great mathematician's discoveries. But in the case of 
Egyptian Hieroglyphics I soon found myself in a different 
position. After studying Dr. Young's discoveries and 
then Mr. Wilkinson's in his " Hieroglyphical Extracts," I 
verified and corrected their alphabets and vocabularies by 
the help of the inscriptions in the " Materia Hieroglyphica." 
I procured the folio volume of plates of hieroglyphics, 
published by Dr. Young for the Egyptian Society ; read 
Champollion's " Prdcis du Systeme Hieroglyphique," and 
Salt's "Essay on Hieroglyphics," and had the pleasure of 
fancying that I knew as much as or more than my teachers, 
and that I could push the knowledge of hieroglyphics 
beyond the state in which the published writings of the 
discoverers had left it. I studied the Coptic language in 
the translation of the Bible by the help of Mr. Tattam's 
"Lexicon ^gypticae Latinum," and began to form a 
hieroglyphical alphabet and vocabulary for myself. 

The study of the language seemed to assume a know- 
ledge of the history of the country. I therefore turned 
aside for a moment to see what historians had written on 
the subject, and this was of sadly little use. They had all 
followed Herodotus and Diodorus, and neglected Manetho 
as useless. But the reading of the hieroglyphical names of 
the kings had proved that Manetho's lists contained the 
true skeleton of Theban and Egyptian history. Mr. Isaac 
Cory had lately published in a very convenient form the 

F 2 

68 The "Early History of Egypt." [Ch. IV. 

fragments of Manetho, together with those of Eratosthenes 
and other Eastern writers, and Mr. Wilkinson, at the end 
of his "Thebes and Egypt," had given a more correct 
list of the hieroglyphical names of the Egyptian kings 
than he had before published in his " Materia Hiero- 
glyphica." With the help of these works I wrote my 
" Early History of Egypt from the Old Testament, Hero- 
dotus, Manetho, and the Hieroglyphical Inscriptions," 
which I published in 1836. This was my first attempt at 
authorship, beyond one or two papers in the Philosophical 
Magazine. The work was hastily and badly put to- 
gether, without the least pretence of neatness of style. It 
contained "the raw materials for a history, but they were 
not put into shape. The only part of any worth was the 
view of Egyptian chronology thrown into the form of a 
table to explain which of Manetho's dynasties reigned in 
succession, and which ruled over part only of the country 
and reigned at the same time with others. In this table I 
ventured to propose a much shorter view of Egyptian 
chronology than had been adopted by any other inquirers, 
and many years afterwards I applied the same mode of 
reasoning to the Hebrew chronology in the Book of Judges, 
which I thus made shorter than it is usually considered 
to be. 

The book which its author thus unfavourably 
criticises is a thin quarto of 172 pages with half a 
dozen plates. This style was adopted on the repre- 
sentation of Mr. Moxon, the publisher, that a quarto 
of large type and ample margin was the only shape 
in which a scholar could put his work before the 
public. It was the usual form of publication in 
1836. The book is more comprehensive than its 
title indicates. Its object, as expressed in the pre- 
face, was " to collect out of the writings of the 
ancients every particular relating to the History of 

1836.] The "Early History of Egypt" '69 

Egypt before the conquest of that country by the 
Persians.'' The extracts from each historian are 
given separately, and their value is discussed, but no 
attempt is made to weave them into a connected 
narrative. These materials for history are followed 
by a series of essays on the Egyptian Year, on the 
Physical Character of the Egyptians, on their 
Mythology ; on the Coptic, Ethiopic and Enchorial 
Languages, on the Hieroglyphics and Hieratic 
writing, and on the dates of the Trojan War and 
the Jewish Exodus. The plates contain a chart of 
the early history of Egypt on the plan of Dr. 
Priestley's chart ; a Map of Egypt, a copy of the 
Stone discovered at Abydos by Mr. W. J. Bankes, 
containing the names of Kings ; a plate of the 
names of the Kings of Thebes ; a collection of hiero- 
glyphics, with explanations enabling the student to 
read the preceding names ; and a copy of part 
of the astronomical sculpture from the Memnonium, 
with the enchorial alphabet and some enchorial 
writing: This volume was part of the basis on 
which his future History was built. Its chief value 
to its author was in giving him an introduction to 
Egyptian students ; who at once perceived that a 
very fresh and original mind had come into the field 
of Egyptian inquiry. With the pride of a young 
writer, he naturally took an early copy to Rogers, 
who had encouraged him to publish it. Rogers's 
congratulation was — " Now you will have the 
honour of lending money to poor authors." Sharpe's 
account of its reception is in the somewhat depre- 
ciatory spirit in which all his references to his own 
works are written. " My book deserved, and gained, 

70 The "Egyptian Inscriptions." [Ch. IV. 

but little notice. In Germany it was blamed by 
Ideler in a Latin quarto ; but it introduced me to 
Mr. Cullamore, Mr. Isaac Cory and Mr. Bonomi, and 
to Dr. Lepsius on his first visit to England, and 
before he had gained his after celebrity." 

The publication of this volume led on to another 
work. He had completed the review of the history 
of Egypt in the classical writers and returned to 
the study of the hieroglyphics. Mr. John Williams, 
afterwards Secretary of the Astronomical Society, 
with whom he had become acquainted, had made a 
collection of the inscriptions in the British Museum. 
These he borrowed in order to increase his vocabu- 
larj', but found it needful to recopy them on a 
reduced scale. After some inquiries he found, — 

That it gave me no more trouble to lithograph and 
publish a hundred copies for the use of other students 
than to make one copy for my own use. Accordingly in 
the Spring of 1837 I completed a volume of "Egyptian 
Inscriptions from the British Museum and other Sources." 
This contained sixty folio plates, rudely but carefully 
drawn, and was the largest body of hieroglyphical writing 
that had yet been published, as it contained more matter 
than Dr. Young's handsomer work, the " Hieroglyphics " 
of the Egyptian Society. 

This large and laborious work indicated to other 
students the serious and business-like spirit in which 
their new ally had entered the field of Egyptian 
study. It was again, however, the author himself 
who got the chief benefit of his labour and outlay. 
It enabled him to accumulate the material for his 
next publication. While copying the inscriptions, 
which he did with his own hand and with much 

1837.] The "Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics." "jt 

trouble and great sacrifice of time, he was carefully 
studying their contents and adding to his knowledge 
of the hieroglyphics. Every new plate added 
several fresh words to those he already knew, and 
thus amply repaid his toil. He was consequently 
enabled in the autumn of 1837 to publish his third 
work, a thin quarto of the same size and appear- 
ance as the first, entitled " Rudiments of a Vocabu- 
lary of Egyptian Hieroglyphics." It contained a 
thousand and fifty groups of characters, or words, 
and an Introduction, with an Essay on the Grammar. 
In the case of every word, one or more references 
were given to published inscriptions as proofs of the 
meaning assigned to it. His independence of 
judgment had already led to divergence from other 
authorities, of which he says : — 

To show my opinion of the rashness with which con- 
clusions had been formed by Champollion and some of 
his followers, I placed in the title-page the following 
quotation from Bacon's " Novum Organum " : — " There are, 
or may be, two ways of seeking and finding truth ; the one, 
from observation and particulars jumps to universal 
axioms, and from the truth of these finds out the inter- 
mediate axioms, and this is the way in use. The other, 
from observation and particulars, raises axioms by a con- 
tinued and gradual ascent till at last it arrives at universal 
axioms, and this is the true way, but it has not yet been 
tried." I distrusted Champollion's results too much even 
to quote them, but I did not feel bold enough to write 
against those from whom I differed. As for their pedantic 
and misleading practice of writing in Coptic letters words 
of their own creation, I simply remarked that all words 
which I printed in the Coptic character might be found 
in Mr. Tattam's " Lexicon." This practice of inventing 

72 The "Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics." \C¥i. iv. 

Coptic words Dr. Lepsius afterwards gave up on my 

This Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics, like his two 
former books, was addressed to scholars and stu- 
dents rather than to the public. There was nothing 
popular in its form, style, subject or treatment. 
It resulted in the further establishment of a 
recognised position for its author among Egyptian 
scholars. The influence he was able to exert on 
Dr. Lepsius is an illustration of the recognition his 
labours gained for him among the small group of 
men who understood the matters with which he 
dealt. It is usually among his own craft that an 
artist or a man of letters first makes his reputation. 
It is they who tell the outer world what he is and 
at what value it must estimate his work. The world 
is not always guided by the opinion of experts ; and 
sometimes a man of genius is first recognised out- 
side the profession he adorns. But as a rule a 
reputation, like charity, begins, as it were, at home. 
Mr. Sharpe's reputation among Egyptian scholars 
was that of an independent student and thinker. 
Many of his conclusions differed from those of other 
students and writers. They respected his accuracy 
and admired his courage and independence, but did 
not follow him to his results. " I am a heretic in 
everything," he used to say, " even among Unitarians." 
But many of his boldest emendations in the transla- 
tion of the New Testament have been practically 
adopted in the Revised Version, and both in Hebrew 
History and in the interpretation of the Egyptian, 
monuments he now occupies a middle and probably 

1838.] The "Egypt under the Ptolomies." 73 

safe position between extreme scepticism and un- 
reasoning trust. 

His next work, " Egypt under the Ptolemies," was 
an immense advance in point of form and execution 
upon the first three. It was published in the same 
quarto shape, with large type and ample margin, 
but instead of a series of essays, as the first quarto 
had been, this was a continuous narrative. In an 
Introduction he briefly sketches the early history in 
an essay which practically epitomises the contents 
of his first work, " The Early History of Egypt ; " 
and then writes the History of Egypt from the 
accession of Ptolemy Soter to the death of Cleo- 
patra. He says : — 

I had intended to stop when Egypt ceased to be 
governed by native sovereigns, when it became a Greek 
kingdom under Alexander's successors. But I found that 
the ancient architecture and language and civilization by 
no means stopped when the newer civilization was in- 
troduced, and that by not carrying on my inquiries into 
modern times I had overlooked much which threw light 
upon antiquity. I therefore wrote the " History of Egypt 
under the Ptolemies," making use in the first instance of 
the references in Gillies' " History of Alexander's Succes- 
sors," in the ancient Universal History, and in Brucker's 
" History of Philosophy," adding thereto whatever an 
industrious search enabled me to discover in the Greek 
and Latin authors. By this time I had gained some 
experience in writing and enlarged my views of authorship. 
I wished to be an historian rather than an antiquary ; I 
ventured upon moral reflections, and thought of wording 
my sentences so that they might be hstened to with 
pleasure when read aloud. I read every part of it as it 
was written to my dear wife and children. This wholesome 

74 Reception of his Books. [Ch. iv. 

practice I never afterwards omitted, and I always made 
use of their good taste and judgment to warn me against 
the use of hard words, as well as to tell me whether my 
sentences could be readily understood, and whether they 
conveyed the meaning that I wished them to bear. I 
published my " Egypt under the Ptolemies " in the autumn 
of 1838. 

The sale of these Egyptian publications was by no 
means encouraging. Though they were always spoken of 
with respect when mentioned either by my friends or the 
critics, yet they received very little notice. They taught 
me, however, that I could write what was safe from blame 
and ridicule even if it received no praise. I knew that 
sooner or later they would get read by those engaged in 
the same studies, if not by the pubKc, and in the meantine 
I turned aside to another task. 

This other task was the revision of the English 
translation of the New Testament in accordance 
with Griesbach's text. He appears to have turned 
to this work, if not in the temporary discouragement 
the above sentences indicate, at least in the resolve 
to pause till those engaged in the same studies had 
read his books. He had not long to wait for this 
recognition, though it was not surprising that his 
books were not widely read or that the sale was 
small. The three volumes were addressed rather to 
students than to the reading public ; moreover, they 
were quartos, and the day of the quarto was already 
gone. He had, however, become known more 
widely than he imagined. The industry, the careful 
regard for accuracy, and the complete independence 
of thought he had exhibited, gradually gained the 
respect of students, and through them of the out- 
side world. There is a glimpse of him in the year 

1838.] Crabb Robinson's Criticism. 75 

in which his " Egypt under the Ptolemies " was 
published in Mr. Henry Crabb Robinson's Diary. 
Crabb Robinson writes:* — "At Peter Martineau's 
I had a very agreeable chat with Samuel Sharpe. 
One must respect a banker who can devote himself 
after banking hours to the study of Egyptian hiero- 
glyphics, although he is capable of saying that 
'every one of Bacon's Essays shows him to be a 
knave.' Had he said that the Essays show him to 
be merely a man of intellect, in which neither love, 
admiration nor other passion is visible, I could not 
have disputed his assertion." Crabb Robinson was 
not an Egyptian student, and his expression of 
respect for Sharpe's devotion to the subject shows 
the impression he had already made on men of 
general information and culture. The sweeping 
criticism of Bacon was, as Crabb Robinson himself 
found when he knew Samuel Sharpe better, a strong 
expression of his extreme detestation of everything 
which he thought to be even tinged with insincerity 
or dishonesty. Crabb Robinson seems to have felt 
that the fling at Sharpe was altogether undeserved, 
for seventeen years later he added to this entry : — 
" Remark, written in 1855. He is now one of the 
friends in whose company I have the greatest 
pleasure, though I still think him a man in whom 
the critical faculty prevails too much. I once 
expressed my opinion of him to himself in a way I 
am pleased with : ' Sharpe,' I said, ' if every one in 
the world were like you, nothing would be done ; if 
no one were like you, nothing would be well done ! ' " 

* " Diary, Reminiscences and Correspondence of Henry 
Crabb Robinson," edited by Dr. Sadler, vol. iii. p. 146. 

76 Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Grote. [Ch. iv. 

As a parallelism has already been shown in one or 
two matters between Mr. Sharpe and Mr. Grote, this 
criticism of the former may be compared with an 
entry made in Mr. Cobden's journal in 1837, respect- 
ing the latter : — " He is a mild and philosophical 
man," writes Cobden of Grote, "possessing the 
highest order of moral and intellectual endowments, 
but wanting something which, for need of a better 
phrase, I shall call devil. He is too abstract in his 
tone of reasoning, and does not aim to convince 
others by any proof excepting that of ratiocination."* 
This last expression exactly describes Samuel 
Sharpe ; though he had a little of the something 
which Cobden thought to be wanting in Grote. It 
came out, however, in his vivacious conversation, in 
such expressions as that which offended Crabb 
Robinson, and did not sufficiently appear in his 
earlier writings. 

* Morley's " Life of Cobden," vol. i. p. 137. 




It was fortunate for the progress of free Biblical 
study in England that this pause in Samuel Sharpe's 
Egyptian studies took place. He could not wait in 
idleness till his writings were appreciated. " I was 
born to work," he would say, as he sat down to some 
new task ; and in work he found his recreation all 
his life. There are surely but few men who would 
have chosen such an undertaking as retranslating the 
New Testament to fill up an interlude in the laborious 
investigation of the Egyptian hieroglyphics. The 
choice was characteristic of Samuel Sharpe. The 
work seemed waiting to be done, and he came for- 
ward to do it. In common with all Unitarians and 
nearly all scholars, he lamented the obvious defects 
both of the Authorized Version and of the Received 
Text, of which it was a translation ; and it seemed 
to him almost a matter of course, that as he now had 
leisure he should make a better version himself. 
The precedents were not encouraging. Mr. Bel- 
sham's " Improved Version " had been received by 
the ignorant as an attempt to re-write the New 
Testament in an unorthodox sense, and scholars who 
had more zeal for orthodoxy than care for truth or 
charity, lent their sanction to this misrepresentation. 

78 Sharpens New Testament. [Ch. v. 

Among Unitarians, however, it met with the respect 
due to the work of a scholar. In a few passages it 
was perhaps open to the charge that it was tinged 
with Mr. Belsham's opinions: but the Authorized 
Version, with equal or greater bias, gives the ortho- 
doxy of king James and his translators the benefit 
in every doubtful passage. 

Griesbach's edition of the Greek text did much to 
raise a desire among scholars for a better representa- 
tion in the English language of what the Evange- 
lists and Apostles really wrote ; and so widely was 
this desire spread among Nonconformists, that a few 
years after Mr. Sharpe's "New Testament Trans- 
lated from Griesbach's Text " appeared, a volume 
giving the Authorized Version with more than twenty 
thousand emendations, was widely circulated among 
orthodox ministers and Sunday school teachers. 
The compilation had been made by Dr. Conquest, a 
London physician, who had diligently and carefully 
collected the improved readings of various scholars, 
and who based on his want of knowledge of the 
original texts a claim of impartiality. The book was 
an omnium gatherum, with no claim to scholarly 
accuracy ; but it did a useful work in removing much 
ignorance. The popular wish for an amended version 
to which Dr. Conquest appealed, and which he did 
much to confirm, had not been manifested, and had 
scarcely begun to be felt when Samuel Sharpe turned 
to the translation of Griesbach's text. He therefore 
had the honour of doing something towards creating 
the interest to which his work appealed, and which, 
nearly forty years later, was to ensure the very general 
acceptance and the extensive use of the Revised 

1840.] Sharpens New Testament. 79 

Version of 1881. He gives his reasons for under- 
taking it — 

I had long been an admirer of Griesbach's labours on 
the New Testament, and I determined to publish a new- 
version corrected according to his text. I was dissatisfied 
with Wakefield's translation as too loose and free, and with 
the Improved Version* as partial to the translator's 
own opinions. Moreover, it was clear that the scholars of 
Oxford and Cambridge, who were best qualified for the 
task by their learning, never meant to undertake it. Ac- 
cordingly, I spent my leisure of the year 1839 in com- 
pleting a translation of the New Testament, and I published 
it in the spring of 1840. I was not without some fears as 
to how it would be received. I should have been chiefly 
pained by the charge of rashness and presumption. I 
should also have been very sorry to have been blamed for 
any sectarian bias. But the translation escaped both of 
these charges. It was reviewed both by the orthodox and 
the unorthodox, who freely pointed out its faults, but cast 
no blame on the translator for venturing on the task. One 
of the orthodox reviewers said that as this volume was not 
meant to be read in churches, I might as well have cor- 
rected all the faults in the Authorized Version ; while one 
of the unorthodox reviewers, judging from the first chapter 
of the Epistle to the Hebrews, declared that its translator, 
who was unknown to him, was not a Unitarian. 

Shortly before I published my New Testament, Mr. 
Edgar Taylor, my brother William's partner, died ; and I 
then learned that he also had been busy upon the same 
employment. He had finished more than three-quarters 

* Mr. Belsharii's. It was published anonymously by a 
" Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and the Practice 
of Virtue, by the distribution of Books." Its full title was, 
" The New Testament in an Improved Version, upon the basis 
of Archbishop Newcome's New Translation ; with a Corrected 
Text and Notes Critical and Explanatory." 

8o Mr. E. Taylors Version. [Ch. v. 

of his translation and had printed as far as he had written. 
He had left a wish that his book should be finished by a 
layman, and Dr. Hutton advised his widow to ask me to 
complete it. But I declined the task, and gave as a reason 
that I was publishing a translation of my own. She then 
engaged the Rev. William Hincks to complete her late 
husband's translation, and the two were published about 
the same time. Mr. Taylor's translation was more approved 
of by the Unitarian ministers than mine, and therefore at 
the time by the Unitarians. The aim of the two was not 
quite the same. Mine was meant to be more literal, to 
show peculiarities and difficulties rather than to conceal 
them, and to express what would be understood by the 
early disciples rather than by modern readers. His was 
less harsh in its change of words, though we both kept to 
the Authorized Version as far as we thought the sense 
allowed. These two translations quite threw into the back- 
ground among Unitarian readers Mr. Belsham's " Improved 

My translation of the New Testament was certainly a 
rather hasty publication ; but I determined that the next 
edition of it should be better. I compared it with Mr. 
Taylor's. I re-examined all the texts criticised by the re- 
viewers. I listened to the remarks of my friends among 
the Unitarian Ministers, and I continued to turn over such 
works on Biblical criticism as came in my way. My best 
critic was certainly Mr. Thomas Glashan, a surgeon, who 
then lived in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen. He was 
wholly unknown to me, and wrote me a letter modestly 
expressing his doubts about six texts, in which he thought 
I was mistaken. I was really startled by the soundness 
and accuracy of his judgment. He had mentioned the six 
chief faults in the book ; faults certainly greater than any 
that had been pointed out by the reviewers. In answer I 
thanked him warmly for his advice, and begged that he 
would favour me with any further remarks. I profited much 

1840.] ■ Further Egyptian Studies. 81 

by a series of letters from him on Biblical .Criticism, which 
extended over some years. 

The work thus begun was never afterwards 
dropped. The first edition of "The New Testa- 
ment Translated from Griesbach's Text " was pub- 
lished in the spring of 1840; but it was no sooner 
issued than he began further revisions. This was 
his custom with all his books ; they were read and 
re-read, and at every reading corrections and addi- 
tions were made. Each book was prepared for the 
issue of a second edition whenever the publisher 
asked for it. The result of the publication of the 
New Testament was that henceforth he had two 
studies instead of one. He returned to the study of 
hieroglyphics as soon as this work was through the 
press, but from this time forward Egypt occupied 
only a share, and, after a while, a decreasing share 
of his attention, which for some years was divided 
between the antiquities of the Nile valley and 
Biblical history and criticism. The world soon 
knew him as the historian of Egypt ; in his old age 
he thought of himself chiefly as the translator of the 
Bible. He says : — 

I returned to the hieroglyphical inscriptions, chiefly 
with a view to the enlargement of my vocabulary. I be- 
gan by tracing part of the sarcophagus of Oimenepthah I. 
in Sir John Soane's Museum, which is one of the most 
beautiful and valuable of the Egyptian monuments. I also 
borrowed one or two sculptured objects from friends. 
Some of these plates, when published, reached the hands 
of Mr. A. C. Harris, a wealthy merchant of Alexandria, 
who, generously and unasked, sent me over as a present a 
tin box containing a large collection of paper casts from 


82 More Egyptian Inscriptions. [Ch. v. 

tablets belonging to Signer D'Athanasi. With the help of 
these I published, in December, 1840, a second volume of 
Egyptian Inscriptions, containing sixty more lithographed 
plates. Every plate, as I drew it on the transfer paper, 
added a few more words to my vocabulary, which was now 
growing to twice the size of my published volume. 

The tracing of these hieroglyphical inscriptions 
occupied him for seven months, and vs^as a laborious 
though, on the whole, an agreeable task. He had 
efficient help from his daughters, and especially 
from his eldest daughter. Many of the plates are 
hers and bear her name. He records in his diary on 
the 17th of November, 1840, that he had on that day 
finished the last plate, and says that he might miss 
the vsrork if he had not the Vocabulary waiting for 
him. " I am glad that it is done," he writes; " and 
feel myself too old, and my time too valuable ever 
again to begin a work of mere manual labour." He 
was less than fifty-two years old when this entry was 
made, and there were thirty years of hard work 
before him. The volume was a most useful one, 
and is still valuable to Egyptian students. He says 
of it with truth : — 

I can look back on it with some pride. The French and 
Tuscan Governments have published large and beautiful 
volumes of plates of Egyptian antiquities, Wilkinson and 
Burton, the travellers, have also published plates of hiero- 
glypics ; the Egyptian Society, under Dr. Young, published a 
volume of hieroglyphics. All these have beauty and value far 
above mine, but mine is by far the largest collection of hiero- 
glyphical inscriptions ever yet published ; and as, in a trading 
point of view, the money and labour are wholly wasted it is not 
likely soon to be passed. 

The trading point of view was not his, and he was 

1840.J Literary Work his Recreation. 83 

as far as possible from thinking that the money and 
labour were wasted. Such books could never be 
produced for profit. They are for the few, and it is 
fortunate for that few that men can be found to 
expend money and labour upon them. They were 
produced in this instance out of pure love of know- 
ledge, and the satisfaction of promoting a cherished 
and delightful study was its own abundant reward. 

There is another entry about the same volume on 
the 8th of December, 1840 : — 

I to-day received from the printer the last number of my 
Egyptian Inscriptions. I had pleasure in drawing them and 
pleasure in finishing my task. I print 102 copies, give away 
fifteen to my friends, the public libraries seize five, to which, 
however, they are quite welcome, and the rest are for sale, but 
I put my expectations too low to be much disappointed. My 
publications are wholly an expense. But I have my satisfac- 
tion in it. It is not more expensive than keeping a saddle- 

This last remark indicates the relation which at 
this period of his life his literary work bore to his 
other activities. It was his recreation. What other 
men would have spent on keeping a saddle-horse or 
in costly journeys in the autumn holiday, or in other 
forms of pleasure, he expended in the advancement 
of learning. Farther on it will be seen how large a 
part of his income in later years was devoted in a 
different form, but in the same spirit, to this noble 

The Diary in which the above entries were made 
begins at the end of September, 1840, and ends in 
1848, with occasional entries thirty years later. It 
gives many glimpses of his home, of his friends, of 

G 2 

84 Si}'- Charles Fellows. [Ch. v. 

various calls on his literary industry, and of the 
feelings with which he regarded his work. Here are 
glimpses of two well-known men. On October 7, 
1 840, he writes : — 

Charles Fellows called on me last week with his observations 
in Asia Minor for fixing the latitude and longitude of several cities 
which he has been the first person to visit. I have spent six or 
eight hours already in reducing them, and at last have the pain 
of telling him that they are not exact enough for the longitude. 
He has been very successful and has brought home some 
beautiful drawings and inscriptions. I strongly urged him to 
publish in his journal a list of all his coins, stating in what 
places they were found. Alfred Stothard [the son of the 
painter] called on the same evening with his medal of Dr. Lee. 
It is a good likeness and I bought it of him, out of regard for 
himself and the doctor. 

A few days later he says : — 

I called on Charles Fellows, who is getting his journal ready 
for the press. He is anxious to prove his Lycian inscriptions 
and sculptures older than the conquest of that country by the 
Greeks, B.C. 560. But the sculptures, though joined with 
Lycian inscriptions and mythology, are of Greek art, not very 
old, the Lycian characters are mostly borrowed from the 
Greek, and this evidence from style of art is conclusive against 
everything. His monuments must have been made about 
B.C. 500. 

The evidence is perhaps not quite conclusive, 
since Greek civilization was gradually making its 
way in Asia Minor, before the Macedonian conquest. 
These Lycian Inscriptions, with others copied by the 
Rev. E. T. Daniell, Mr. Edward Forbes, and Lieu- 
tenant Spratt were afterwards the subject of careful 
investigation by Daniel Sharpe, who communicated 
the results of his acute inquiries to the Philological 
Society in some very striking papers, which were 

1 840. J D, Sharpes Lycian Inscriptions. 85 

published in its Proceedings. Mr. Fellows's " Journal 
of a Second Tour in Asia Minor " was published, 
"with an Appendix on the Ancient Lycian Language 
by Mr. D. Sharpe." Two of the inscriptions were 
bi-lingual, in Greek and Lycian, and the clue thus 
given enabled him to determine the Lycian alphabet 
and to read the inscriptions on the Lycian coins. In 
an entry in his diary Samuel Sharpe expresses his 
satisfaction that his brother Daniel was busying him- 
self with these inscriptions, and adds, " I think it a 
better subject than his Geology. A man should 
understand something of the sciences as well as of 
letters, but when he chooses one for his more par- 
ticular path, I would recommend some branch of 
literature. The study of antiquities, though not the 
highest branch, embraces enough of language and 
history to make it a pursuit highly liberalizing to 
the mind." Geology was, nevertheless, the study in 
which Daniel Sharpe afterwards gained distinction. 

In his second visit to Lycia, Sir Charles Fellows 
took out with him a young artist to act as draughts- 
man. This was Mr. George Scharf, who was then 
beginning to be known, and whose careful drawings 
of sculptures and inscriptions added much to the 
value of the volume on Lycia, which he further 
adorned with his exquisite illustrations. Mr. Scharf 
soon became known as an art critic and the illus- 
trator of many valuable works. He was director of 
the Gallery of Old Masters at the Manchester 
Exhibition in 1857 ; and is now Curator of the 
National Portrait Gallery at South Kensington. In 
his early days Mr. Scharf was an occasional visitor 
at Highbury Place. 

86 The Fields, of Learn. [Ch. v. 

In this year, 1840, there is an account in the Diary 
of the spending of the summer hohday. These 
hoHdays were always short, usually three weeks late 
in the summer, or in the early autumn. Before his 
marriage he had visited Scotland, Wales, and the 
Rhine, and had been twice to Paris, but after his 
marriage he never again went abroad. The three 
weeks' holiday in 1840 was spent at Leamington, 
" in the neighbourhood," he says, " of our friends, 
the Fields." The Fields were busy, for it was 
September, and their autumn work had begun. The 
Rev. William Field, of Learn, whose son, Edwin, 
had married Mary Sharpe, was then preaching two 
sermons every Sunday at Warwick, and another at 
Kenilworth, where, out of pure zeal for doing good, 
he was keeping the little spark of an old Liberal 
congregation alive and glowing. He was seventy- 
four, but his natural force was not much abated. We 
get a glimpse of him in the Diary as giving an hour's 
lesson in geography or history every morning to a 
class in the girls' school, kept by his wife and two 
daughters, superintending the preparation of one 
son for matriculation in the University of London, 
and helping another in his undergraduate studies. 
The family of the Fields had from the old days at 
Stoke Newington exerted a strong influence for good 
upon the family of the Sharpes. Mrs. Field was 
worthy of her husband. She was a woman of great 
energy and capacity, and the fine characteristics of the 
father and mother came out again in their children. 
The great Hall of the Royal Courts of Justice con- 
tains a marble statue, erected by subscription as a per- 
manent memorial of their eldest son, the brother-in- 

1840.] Philip Henry's Descendants. 87 

law of Samuel Sharpe. In presiding over the in- 
fluential meeting of eminent lawyers and artists at 
which this memorial was resolved upon, Lord 
Selborne said that no man had more to do in 
bringing the scheme for the erection of the new 
Courts of Justice to a successful issue than Mr. Edwin 
Field. " In everything that was done," said Lord 
Selborne, " he was the most active and useful man 
of all, perhaps, who were engaged in doing it." 

Mr. Edwin Field was not at Learn when the 
Sharpes were at Leamington during this holiday. 
The Fields introduced them to the Misses Lawrence 
— four ladies who had some time since retired from 
the school to which Mrs. Field and her daughters 
succeeded. Mrs. Tagart, wife of the Rev. Edward 
Tagart, who had been one of their pupils, had just 
copied out for Miss Lawrence the family tree of the 
Rev. Philip Henry, of whose ancestral relation to the 
Sharpes, through the Rogerses, an account has 
already been given. Samuel Sharpe assisted Miss 
Sara Lawrence in turning the genealogical tree into 
a volume, tracing as far as possible all the descendants 
of the ejected minister. Miss Lawrence carried out 
the inquiry, with his help, with great patience and 
minuteness, and after four years was able to issue a 
volume, which is, perhaps, one of the most striking 
records of family growth ever put together. It con- 
tains two hundred and ten surnames, many of them 
belonging to the most influential and respected of 
middle-class families ; and curiously shows one mode 
in which the moral influence of the ejected clergy has 
spread itself through the healthiest portion of Eng- 
lish society. Sharpe writes about his share in the 

88 A Family Holiday. [Ch. v. 

work that he hoped he "should lead the persons 
therein mentioned to aim after what is good. It 
could hardly feed vanity to tell them they were 
descended from a clergyman who was turned out of 
his living ; but it might perhaps remind them of the 
true dignity of moral independence." There is 
nothing on which a family has more reason to con- 
gratulate itself than on a Puritan ancestry. It is, 
in almost equal degrees, a guarantee of physical 
energy, of intellectual vigour and of moral health. 

The Fields, as has been already said, got their 
Puritan vigour through their descent from the Lord 
Protector of the Commonwealth. Their grand- 
mother was the great granddaughter of Henry 
Cromwell, the son of the Protector, who died before 
his illustrious father. The Miss Lawrences, like the 
Sharpes, were descended from the Henrys. Mr. 
Sharpe and his wife had great satisfaction in making 
the acquaintance of this branch of the family. Of 
his general doings during this Leamington holiday he 
writes : — " My employments were taking short walks' 
with my dear wife and children, and helping her with 
the lessons. For myself I only drew two plates for 
my Egyptian Inscriptions. We made no pilgrimage 
to the birthplace of Shakespeare, nor went to Dr. 
Parr's vicarage of Hatton, nor examined the battle 
field of Edge Hill." His short periods of country 
recreation were all of this character. They were 
opportunities of spending all the day with his family, 
father and mother entering into the amusements of 
the children, and enjoying their play. They were 
essentially family holidays. 

The family at this time consisted of five children, 

1841.] Father and Children. 89 

three daughters and two sons, Emily twelve, 
Matilda ten, and Mary seven years old, Frederick 
nearly six, and Albert not quite two years. There 
are glimpses in the Diary of the home relations be- 
tween this busy father and his children. He records 
their birthdays as they come round, and tells of the 
little presents they make to each other. When he 
enters the sending to the printers of the last proof 
of " Egypt under the Romans," he adds, " I date my 
preface on Albert's birthday." On the 12th of 
November, 1 840, he writes, " Frederick's birthday. 
He is six years old, each of his sisters has a present 
for him, Emily's was given him by letter from 
Hastings. Mamma's was a wheelbarrow." Emily's 
visit to Hastings to be with her Aunt Catharine is 
duly recorded, with a wish that she may benefit " by 
being in such good hands, and away from our con- 
trol for a short time." There is a congratulatory 
note on her return five weeks later. The next day 
is her birthday. She is twelve years old, and her 
father and mother have agreed " that punishments 
ought now to cease, we should treat her as much as 
possible as an equal, if there is disobedience she will 
no doubt be brought round by kind words when the 
time is a little gone by." A Sunday school had then 
just been established by his influence and advice at 
Newington Green, and in the next year the two 
eldest girls, one under thirteen, the other under 
eleven, were to attend as teachers. " My two girls," 
he writes on the 26th September, 1841, "attended to 
teach at the Sunday school. Emily never misses. 
Matilda hardly goes without being urged. But I 
have discovered what will make her more regular ; 

go Criticism on his New Testament. [Ch. v. 

it is the pleasure of rewarding her pupils with a cake." 
On his birthday, the 8th of March, he records the 
little presents given him by the children, and the 
pleasant incidents that acconapany the gifts. These 
small domestic details are sufficient glimpses of the 
interior of the home. They show that the man of 
many pursuits was by no means withdrawn by his 
studies from sympathy with his children. 

On returning from the visit to Leamington he 
found on his table the proof-sheet of the Christian 
Teacher, which had been sent to him by Mr. Kinder, 
containing a review — probably the first — of his New 
Testament. " We are all so well pleased with our- 
selves," he writes, " that at the first reading I was 
troubled with the criticisms, but on an after-reading 
I made up my mind that it was a favourable review, 
and that I ought to be well pleased with its praises." 
On a later day he says, " The late Mr. Edgar Taylor's 
translation of Griesbach is now published under the 
superintendence of the Rev. Mr. Hincks. I have no 
wish to hear that mine is the best of the two, and 
should, of course, be pained to have it thought the 
worst ; but the critics will compare them, and we are 
put in rivalry against our will." 

The names of other friends who visited him, or 
whom he visited at this period, appear in the Diary. 
One of the entries illustrates the kind of work which 
was being done at the Harp Alley School. 

1840. October i6th. John Sinnot breakfasted with us this 
morning. He came to take leave and to return my pocket- 
sextant, which, however, I told him to keep while it was useful. 
When I first knew him he was an orphan at the Harp Alley- 
Charity School. He had already been to sea as a boy without 

1840.] Rogers's Tuesday Breakfasts. 91 

wages, before the mast, and on coming into Portsmouth, the cap- 
tain, who was pleased with him, gave him a shilling. It was the 
first he had ever had, and on landing he bought a spelling- 
book with it. His elder brother had told him he would never 
get on without learning. After being a year or two at school, 
my sister got him a clerk's place to keep a barrister's chambers> 
but he would go to sea again. Whenever he was on shore for 
a week, he took lessons in navigation. I first taught him to 
take a lunar observation ; that was the height of his ambition 
in the way of learning. He soon got made a mate, and could 
always teach any captain he was under. And this poor orphan, 
by his own good conduct, determined application, and right- 
minded ambition is now, at the age of about six-and-twenty, 
captain of a vessel trading between New Brunswick and Liver- 
pool, of 700 tons burden. Next to himself, he is indebted to 
my sister. [Catharine.] 

Other entries record his visits to the house of his- 
uncle, Samuel Rogers. Rogers was now in his 
seventy-seventh year, and showed some signs of 
failing memory. His Tuesday breakfast-parties were 
still continued, though his house in St. James's Place 
was no longer filled, as it had been in years gone by, 
with all the chief men in art, literature, and politics. 
The crowd had passed, but distinguished visitors 
from all parts of the world still called to see 
the great wit and man of taste, and chosen friends 
gathered round his table. Sharpe's visits to his 
uncle had been more frequent since he had become 
known as a writer and a scholar, and for a long 
time he was one of the company at the Tuesday 
breakfasts. Rogers had fixed on Tuesday to suit 
his nephew's convenience, and the nephew pleased 
his uncle by quoting the Preacher against his literary 
and social breakfasts — honouring them with mag- 
nificent blame — " Woe to thee, O Land, when thy 

92 Rogers s Guests. [Ch. v. 

princes eat in the morning." He met at these break- 
fasts Hallam, Milman, Empson, then editor of the 
Edinburgh Review, Luttrel — of whom Rogers said 
that none of the talkers he met in London society- 
could slide in a brilliant thing with such readiness 
as he — R. Monckton Milnes, now Lord Houghton, 
Kinglake, author of Eothen, Mrs. Austin, the trans- 
lator of Ranke's " History of the Popes," and her 
daughter, afterwards Lady Duff Gordon, Lord Glen- 
elg, Crabb Robinson, Gleig, Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, 
Panizzi, and many others. Crabb Robinson was the 
greatest talker of the group. When he was late, 
Rogers would call merrily to his guests, " If you 
have anything to say, say it now, for Crabb Robinson 
is coming." In the conversation at these Tuesday 
breakfasts, where, in addition to one or two mem- 
bers of his family — often one or two of his young 
nieces — there were about half-a-dozen well-selected 
guests, there must have been ample material for 
interesting recollections. At this period, and for 
years to come, Rogers was still himself Moore, in 
his Diary, wrote of him, during a visit to Lord Lans- 
downe at Bowood in December, 1841 — "Rogers 
stayed more than a week. Still fresh in all his facul- 
ties, and improved wonderfully in the only point 
where he was deficient — temper. He now gives the 
natural sweetness of his disposition fair play." It is 
this latter characteristic on which his nephew in his 
few memoranda of his visits chiefly dv/ells. These 
are the entries : — 

November 8, 1840. I dined at my uncle Sam's. 
Besides the family there was Mr. Maltby and Mr. Uwins, 
the painter. The latter agreed with me in thinking that 

1840.] Recollections of Rogers. 93 

A. Stothard had made the skull too small in his medal of 
Dr. Lee. 

November 29. I breakfasted in St. James's Place. 
My uncle quoted a remark of Henderson's that " Akenside 
stalked along like one of his own Alexandrines set on 
end." He was a tall, stiff man. Also, somebody's remark 
that " Memory is a great trust, and it is not everybody who 
can be trusted with it." But I lost my morning. R. M. 
Milnes was there. He is a poet, and has ability ; but it is 
hidden in his wish to be a fine gentleman. He is young, 
and may perhaps outgrow it. My uncle gave me, "in 
solemn trust," as he said, a MS. in his own handwriting, a 
form of family prayer which, when a young man, he used 
to read every evening in his father's family. It was written 
by Dr. Price. 

December i. Dined at St. James's Place to look over 
old papers and other family records. My uncle and aunt 
were a good deal affected. On looking at the Births and 
Deaths in his father's family Bible, he said that any merit 
in his style arose from his reading the Bible and keeping 
to its Saxon idiom. Speaking of children's marriages he 
quoted Mrs. Barbauld, as saying that the world would be 
better if the old meddled less in the affairs of the young. 
He thought Macaulay unfair in his review of Bacon's 
character for not giving the whole of Dryden's tribute to 
his virtue as well as his greatness. Somebody had asked 
him the week before for his autograph, and had very much 
pleased him by the choice of the lines, which he wished 
copied out. " The choice hit him between wind and 
water." It was the note to " Italy " on Petrarch's Arqua 
in praise of the habit of looking for beauties and over- 
looking faults. He used to say that nobody could give 
pain in an anonymous review without being the worse man 
for having done it. Speaking of Wordsworth's poetry in 
terms of but moderate praise, he said that, " at any rate, 
Wordsworth never wrote to give pain nor against the cause 

94 Recollections of Rogers. [Ch. v. 

of goodness," which he thought the greatest of all faults 
in a -RTiter ; and he agreed with me that Sterne was a great 
instance of how the greatest talents go unrewarded by- 
fame if they offend against virtue. He said he never, when 
he could help it, missed seeing the sunset, and regretted 
that by being in bed we lost the sunrise. He often felt 
inclined to stop the people in the streets to show them a 
glorious sky. Looking at such wonders of Nature he 
thought should be cultivated as a habit. 

December 4. My uncle Sam called in Clement's Lane. 
He quoted my father as saying that a man who was clever 
at getting rich was generally good for little else, and men- 
tioned Mr. Harman's saying to him, " I am sorry R. 
Sharp [Conversation Sharp] died so rich." He had left 
^200,000 — " a very pretty capital," he remarked, " to begin 
the next world with." On Boycott's saying he did not wish 
to live long, my uncle replied that if every day he con- 
trived to make somebody happier or better, he would not 
wish to limit his days. 

February 22, 1842. I breakfasted with my uncle Sam, 
and we walked to look at Milton's house, No. 19, York 
Street, Queen Square, Westminster. Jeremy Bentham, 
whose garden backed upon it, had put up a stone against 
the back to preserve the memory of it. He brought me 
home in his carriage with a present of Matthew Henry's 
Bible, which had been Daniel Radford's copy. 

The aunt whom he speaks of meeting at his 
uncle's house was Sarah Rogers, who was a little 
younger than his uncle and a little older than his 
mother. Like her brother, she gathered together at 
her home in Hanover Terrace, Regent's Park, persons 
who were eminent in art and literature. At this period 
her nephew and his wife met at her dinner-parties; 
among other eminent persons, Tom Moore, Turner, 

1840-44.] Other Friends. 95 

the painter, Dr. Burgon, now Dean of Chichester, 
Dr. Skey, and Mr. Gruner, then a well-known 
engraver, who designed the decorations of the 
Queen's palaces, was entrusted by the Queen with 
Prince Albert's plans for the Mausoleum at Frogmore, 
and was afterwards Director of the Museum at 
Dresden. There are no records in the Diary of these 
visits ; and it is unfortunate that those above quoted 
are all that the Diary contains respecting his visits 
to his uncle during the years from 1840 to 1844. 
Others occur in later years, and will come in at their 
appropriate place. 

There are occasional references to other friends. 
Mr, William Rayner Wood calls after passing his 
Matriculation Examination at the new University 
of London ; and Samuel Sharpe urges that a junior 
school should be established in connection with 
Manchester New College, which, at that time, there 
was some intention of doing. Henry Crabb 
Robinson comes to tea and talks of the ill-treatment 
of Thomas Clarkson by the sons of Wilberforce. 
Next morning Robinson takes his host to University 
College, and gives him a copy of the Charter, 
"which I must study," writes Mr. Sharpe, "now 
that I am a proprietor." University College little 
knew that the greatest benefactor to its school had 
that morning been entertained, like Abraham's angels 
in the legend, unawares. Another day a call on Dr. 
Lee is recorded. It was a visit of thanks " for his 
complimentary mention of me in his address to the 
Numismatic Society." Dr. R^nouard was there — 
a man of great learning, who " knows what every- 
body has written about, and what is doing in each 

96 Political Opinions. [Ch. v. 

subject, but his unceasing talk is unbearable." Dr. 
Lee is very appropriately described as a man 
"whose good nature is seen in everything he does, 
though it is not always accompanied with judgment." 
On the nth December, 1840, "spent the evening at 
Mr. Warren's. Dr. Hutton was the only person 
present who agreed with me in blaming the war 
in Syria and China. Lord Palmerston's success 
makes everybody overlook his faults. Mr. Madge 
was very warlike." Sharpe had been opposed to this 
war all through. A month earlier he had entered in 
his Diary some warm praises of Louis Philippe for 
his speech, telling the Chambers he was doing all he 
could to preserve peace, and asking for their help in 
his endeavours. "His single word, if he had been 
guided by Thiers, would have deluged Europe with 
blood, and stopped the march of civilization for half 
a century." A paper for the Numismatic Society, on 
the return of the Phoenix, or end of the cycle, on the 
coins of Antoninus, is recorded as an effort " to keep 
up my character as one of the contributors." A 
fortnight later " a good paper on Charles the Second's 
coins," is recorded, with the addition that " Dr. Lee 
kindly lent Dan the Zendavesta for his Lycian 
inquiries," and that " S. Stothard is engraving a medal 
of Ackerman." But a month later the entry occurs, 
" I wasted an evening at the Numismatic Society. 
The antiquarians are such a small minority that 
foreign subjects are introduced." 

These entries by no means exhaust the record of 
his activities. There were discussions at the Isling- 
ton' Institution, in which he took part for the sake of 
the younger men, and remembering how valuable such 

1840.] Theological Views. 97 

meetings had been to him in earlier days. At one 
of these meetings the mythology of the ancients was 
under discussion, and he reminded the audience that 
the old gods were made in different ways, sometimes 
by the deification of conquerors and lawgivers, 
sometimes by personifying attributes. He says of 
this speech, that " the orthodoxy of some was rather 
shocked, perhaps with reason, for the deifying of 
Jesus and the personifying of God's Spirit are much 
the same." In another entry he records, that " Hen- 
nell, and some other followers of Strauss, who do 
not believe in the miracles, have opened a chapel," 
and expresses his satisfaction that " they keep the 
name of Christians, for then they will cling to the 
practical doctrines." He adds, " I quite agree with 
Locke in thinking that the miracles are the difficulty 
rather than the proof of Christianity. We all find 
the proof in the Divine truth of the morality, which 
we recognize by our own moral sense." Here is a 
further glimpse of his religious views : — 

October 20, 1840. — I met the "Theological party" of the 
Unitarian Ministers, at the house of the Rev. Thomas Crom,- 
well. The subject of discussion was " How far may our Lord 
have been influenced by the mistaken opinions of his age." 
All agreed that he was so in the case of the demoniacs, some 
added, in attributing disease to sin, and some added, in the 
belief in a devil. But these two cases may be rather in his 
phraseology than in his opinions. Some added, in the prophe- 
cies which he thought pointed to himself; but here he is not sO' 
bold as the writers of the New Testament. I thought, in the 
use of the ceremony of Baptism. It was an instructive evening; 
Dr. Hutton, Mardon, Kenrick, and two or three others. 

October 28. — Mr. Madge preached at Newington Green> 
at the opening of the chapel after the repairs. " Unitarianism," 
he remarked, "is the form of worship which Jesus himself 


98 open Trusts for Chapels. [Ch. v. 

taught and practised." This the orthodox would almost 
acknowledge, but would say that Trinitarianism is taught by 
the writers of the New Testament ; which is itself the word of 
God. We think Jesus a higher authority than the writers of 
the New Testament ; they think not. Madge's sermon was 
first rate. 

November 25. — Mr. John Travers called and told me of the 
Rev. Thomas Wood's resigning his pulpit at the Brixton 
Unitarian Chapel. He had preached a sermon against the 
miracles, or at least that they were rather difficulties in our 
way than evidences of the truth of Christianity, which rests 
on the evident truth of its precepts. This is what Locke said, 
that its morality makes us believe the miracles, not the mira- 
cles the morality. On this some of his congregation said 
that he was not preaching Christianity as they approved, and 
he resigned. But the majority have begged him to withdraw 
his resignation. Our Presbyterian forefathers built their meet- 
ing houses for the worship of God, without a creed ; I am sorry 
to find their Unitarian descendants departing from that good 
practice. Brixton Chapel is for Unitarianism in the sense of 
Priestley and Belsham ; it is so declared in the title deeds. 
So when the minister was called upon to defend himself, he 
had to do so by quoting Priestley, not the New Testament. 

The departure from the good old practice of the 
Presbyterian forefathers, which he thus laments, did 
not go far. Indeed, the whole position of their 
Unitarian descendants differs from that which this 
Brixton case indicated. The system of putting 
doctrinal statements in trust deeds has been left to 
the theological Mrs. Partingtons, who invented these 
parchment barriers against the tide of theological 
change ; and even the apparent test which is involved 
in affixing to places of worship the doctrinal name 
of Unitarian, is met with constant protest. In this 
matter the change has been so great, that Samuel 
Sharpe, who in 1840, was in advance of his contem- 

3-] The Name Unitarian. 


poraries, was in 1880 sometimes spoken of as behind 
them. It was they that had changed His strong' 
common sense could not consent to regard the mere 
statement of an obvious fact as a doctrinal limitation, 
and he, therefore, insisted that Unitarian chapels 
which, in the later years of his life received his 
liberal contributions, should be called by their proper 
name of Unitarian. He was by no means blind to 
the objections which are urged against this course. 
The great principle embodied in and represented by 
the group of Free Churches of which the Unitarian 
body consists, is that of leaving the institutions 
themselves open to the possibility of theological 
change. The individuals who compose them are 
Unitarians, and are glad to confess their disciple- 
ship to the only form of Christian belief which, 
seems to them to be worth the attention of educated 
men in this scientific age. Their objection to call 
their places of worship by the name they are them- 
selves proud to bear, is due to a noble desire to 
leave their successors free, and not to pledge preacher 
or congregation to any form of doctrine whatever. 
Samuel Sharpe, however, spoke of the avoidance of 
the ■ Unitarian name as an act of cowardice. He 
contended that in a place where the worship is 
Christian but not Trinitarian, it is only honest and 
right to let all the world know the fact. The world 
will never understand why places of Unitarian wor- 
ship should not be called by the Unitarian name. 
The great majority are so called ; and will continue 
to be. Mr. Sharpe's definition of the words Unitarian 
and Unitarianism was, that Unitarianism is the non- 
Trinitarian form of Christianity, and that a Unitarian 

H 2 

1 oo What is a Unitarian ? [Ch. v. 

is, historically and actually, a Christian who rejects 
the Trinity. He was warmly attached to the Chris- 
tian name, and though to the end of his life he 
retained his objection to Baptism and the Com- 
munion Service, he was an earnest disciple of apos- 
tolic Christianity; a careful student and zealous 
defender of the Old and New Testament ; and held 
in generous scorn the pretensions of those who, while 
still calling themselves Unitarians, disavow the dis- 
cipleship to Christ and Christianity which the word 




The pause in the Egyptian studies was not long. 
The " New Testament translated from Griesbach's 
Text" was published in the spring of 1840; the 
second volume of the Egyptian Inscriptions at the 
end of the same year, and early in 1842 the author 
was again in the field with a " History of Egypt 
under the Romans." During the whole of these 
two years he had been gathering the materials for 
this further contribution to Egyptian History. As 
his search for references to more ancient historical 
events in the authors who wrote during the reigns of 
the Ptolemies, had led him to write the history of 
Egypt under those sovereigns, so, in reading later 
writers for facts about the Ptolemaic period he got 
the materials for a history of Egypt after the 
Roman Conquest. This work, he tells us, differs 
from the other two. He speaks of it as " the history 
of a province rather than of a kingdom ; the history 
of opinions and controversies rather than of political 
events." It brought him into direct contact with 
the Alexandrian speculations, out of which such 
dogmas as that of the Trinity arose. He had to 
describe the rise and progress of Christianity, and 

I02 Corruptions of Christianity. [Ch.VI. 

he could not avoid showing how the pure stream 
which flowed from Judea over the waste places of 
the Roman Empire was afterwards mingled with 
the turbid flood of Greek and Egyptian controversy. 
The service thus done to the new Reformation 
which traditional Christianity is beginning to under- 
go has hardly yet been appreciated at its full value. 
It is not necessarily a refutation of a dogma to 
show its speculative origin ; but the doctrine of the 
Trinity, and the group of false: theories of which it 
is the key, are not recommended for their reasonable- 
ness, but are accepted by those who hold them from 
some vague belief that they came from Jesus and 
his apostles. To point out their real source in 
Egyptian superstition is consequently to overthrow 
them utterly. In this service to freedom and to 
Christianity Samuel Sharpe has rendered impor- 
tant help. He speaks of it modestly: — 

I carefully pointed out the corruptions which were 
introduced into Christianity from the old Egyptian super- 
stitions, and I pointed out what I thought the errors in 
orthodox opinions the more exactly to make it clear that 
when I spoke with blame I meant to blame these corrup- 
tions of Christianity and not Christianity itself. As I 
aimed at imitating the laborious accuracy of Gibbon, I 
was most careful to avoid his habit of attacking indirectly 
what he did not choose to attack openly. 

Gibbon had not learned to discriminate between 
Christianity as it was taught at Jerusalem and 
Christianity as it appears in the authoritative and 
official presentations of it which clerical organiza- 
tions continue to keep before the world. Mr 

1842.J History made Orthodox. 103 

Sharpe had already made this discrimination. He 
took nothing'from authority, but went to the original 
sources and made inquiry for himself. Even the 
Bible was to him, not an infallible oracle, but the 
record in a religious literature of the noblest and 
purest line of the unfolding revelation of God the 
Father and Man the Son. The only creed which he 
thought it before all things necessary to hold was 
that of charity. 

Any man who starts from the assumption that 
any opinion is damnable, or any form of sound 
words is to be accepted on pain of everlasting 
punishment, is thereby disqualified for the study of 
science or the investigation of history. He is not 
free to follow whithersoever the facts may lead. The 
flaming sword of theological terror stops the way 
along which a fearless induction might carry him. 
He will be tempted to " make his judgment blind " ; 
to pass lightly over facts which are opposed to his 
preconceived opinion ; and to exaggerate the impor- 
tance of those which may be made to lend it 
support. Forty years ago all historians and scientific 
writers were expected to do this. Mr. Bohn's 
popular edition of Gibbon was edited by "An 
English Churchman," who replied to Gibbon himself 
in orthodox notes inserted at the foot of his page. 
The historian of Egypt has to travel over part of 
the ground which Gibbon trod. If he is an honest 
man his works may need similar annotation before 
orthodox believers will consider them " safe." He 
can scarcely avoid showing how much that passes 
for Christianity is a survival of Egyptian supersti- 
tions. The author of the " History of Egypt under 

I04 "Egypt under the Romans." [ 

the Romans'' pointed out this clear connection, 
which stares at the student of Egyptology from 
every part of the field. With a deep reverence for 
the Christianity of the Gospels he was the better 
able to point out the first steps by which it had 
begun its degeneration into the Christianity of the 
Creeds. He could thus do what Gibbon was unable 
to do ; he could distinguish between the faith of the 
first century and that of the third and fourth, and 
was preserved from Gibbon's mistake of confounding 
the aberrations of the Church with the teachings of 
its Master. 

The " History of Egypt under the Romans " was 
published in a more popular form than his previous 
works. It was a thin octavo with the authorities 
quoted in notes in the margin. After a short 
historical introduction, it begins with the entry of 
Augustus into Alexandria in the year 29 B.C., and 
ends with the Arab conquest of Egypt and the 
burning of the Library of Alexandria in 640 A.D. 
The author's habit of carefully emending his 
writings as soon as they were issued was curiously 
exhibited to the readers of the first edition of this 
work, by the printing at the end of the volume of 
some pages of additions which the reader is to drop in 
at their appropriate places in the first half of the work. 
The whole of this work, amended and in great part 
re-written, was afterwards incorporated in the 
" History of Egypt." 

In speaking in his autobiographical sketch of the 
writing of this book he says : — 

While writing this, my third history, I continued my 
attention to style. I read aloud again and again parts of 

1842.] Formation of Style. 105 

our best English writers to learn their methods of forming 
their sentences. I wished that my writings, like theirs, 
should be fitted for the ear, not only for the eye. But I 
never ventured upon poetic flights, or figures of speech ; I 
only hoped to correct the dry stiffness of my own style, 
and to express my meaning in the manner most simple 
and most easy to be understood. 

This account of the careful formation of his 
style is the more interesting because it shows his 
own clear perception of its chief defects. It is as 
transparent as a running stream, but it catches no 
colour from the sky. The Edinburgh Review 
expressed a wish that the gods had made him mote 
poetical. This was probably the unrealized feeling 
of his readers, and the absence of the poetic flights 
and figures, on which he says he never ventured, un- 
questionably limited the popularity of his writings. 
But it is a defect which is intimately related to his 
chief worth as a historian and a critic. Nothing is 
more misleading in history than the glow which a 
lively imagination sheds over the narrative. The 
amusing story is one thing ; the trustworthy account 
may be quite another. Everybody reads a brilliant 
and imaginative historian, but nobody implicitly 
trusts him. There may be as wonderful an atmo- 
sphere in his picture of the past as in Turner's 
landscapes, but the imaginative reproduction of 
historical scenes and characters is necessarily 
coloured by the glowing medium through which 
they are seen. Absence of colour does not neces- 
sarily make a narrative more accurate ; but the 
deliberate choice of neutral tints takes away a temp- 
tation to exceed the limits of actual knowledge. 

io6 How to Write History. [ 

Sharpe's Egyptian Histories are plain, unvarnished 
narratives of facts and inferences. They tell all 
that was known at the time ; and no more. Like his 
other writings, they take an independent and original 
view of the subjects with which they deal. The 
reader who looks for information feels that he is 
in contact with a mind which never sees things in their 
merely conventional aspects, but applies a shrewd 
common sense to everything which comes before it. 
Sharpe approaches the study of Egyptian antiquities 
without any preconceived view ; without prepos- 
sessions of any kind. He is consequently not afraid 
to go whither the facts lead, and neither cuts short 
his inferences nor stretches them on the rack to 
make them fit some bed in which they must lie. If 
he is wrong it is by error of judgment, not by the 
warping influence of preconception or prejudice. 

For two or three years after the publication of the 
" History of Egypt under the Romans " the literary 
activity of its author was scattered over various 
fields. He was becoming known both as an Egyp- 
tian scholar and a student of the Bible, and appeals 
were made to him for literary help. He had the 
honour of lending money to poor authors, in accord- 
ance with his uncle's anticipation ; he had also the 
satisfaction of writing, articles for many publications 
which could not pay their writers. Aa a rule, volun- 
tary service of this kind is inefficient service. The 
literary workman is as well worthy of his hire as 
any other labourer, and publications which cannot 
afford to pay their contributors never succeed, and 
rarely deserve success. Samuel Sharpe, however, 
was one of the very few men who never needed and 

1842.] Unpaid Literary Work. 107 

never took any remuneration for their writings. In 
these days when statesmen are handsomely paid for 
articles in the magazines, and work done by accom- 
plished writers is often published over the signature 
of men who merely lend it the sanction of their 
well-known names — taking the fame and leaving 
to the unknown writer the remuneration — unpaid 
literary work is going out of fashion. The payment 
is still sometimes spoken of as an honorarium, but 
the expression is almost the only remaining relic of 
the old feeling that a literary man must know no 
other motive than the love of knowledge or of fame. 
In this respect Sharpe belonged to the older school. 
In the early days of his literary activity he had no 
income that he did not earn — but he earned it in 
business and never by his pen. Everything he 
wrote represented a hearty interest in the subject, 
and his interests covered a large field. They were 
literary, social, political, and theological. 

His family always knew of everything that had 
employed his pen. " All that he was busy upon, all 
that he had at heart," says his eldest daughter, 
" came out in his conversation, which was very full 
when he was not actually reading or writing. During 
the first twenty-five years of my remembrance of 
him his general talk was of politics, of which he 
conversed earnestly and even hard. During the last 
twenty-five years it was the politics of the Unitarian 
body. Of conversation upon his own studies and 
pursuits, that respecting science was almost befoire 
my time ; in the earlier part of the period covered 
by my recollections it was on Antiquities, later on it 
was on Biblical subjects ; but these topics were 

io8 The "Inquirer" Newspaper. [ 

intermingled with classics and literature according 
to the tastes of the persons he was talking with." 

In 1842 he was still in the period of predominant 
interest in politics. In that year the Inquirer 
newspaper was established with the object of giving 
the Unitarians a weekly organ which should fitly 
represent their scholarship, and express their Liberal 
views on theological and political questions. Its 
founder was Mr. Edward Hill, who engaged the 
Rev. William Hincks as editor, with a sub-editor, a 
writer on the money-market, and a dramatic critic. 
Hearing of the proposed journal, Samuel Sharpe 
wrote to Mr. Hincks, offering to send an occasional 
article on City topics. Mr. Hincks gladly accepted 
the proffered help, and a kind of double money 
article appeared in the first number, the second 
half of which was by Mr. Sharpe. As the money 
articles which now occupy so important a place 
in every daily paper owe their present form to 
a suggestion made by him to the editor of 
the Morning Chronicle, it is worth noting that this 
was his first article of the kind, and almost his 
last. It gives an interesting glimpse of the first 
charge of the revived income-tax. The July divi- 
dends had just been paid, and the warrants had been 
issued with the new levy deducted. There had been 
no such tax for a quarter of a century. Mr. Pitt's 
war income-tax of 1799 had been repealed in 1816 
and Sir Robert Peel restored it in 1842 as a tempo- 
rary expedient to enable him to make a beginning 
in his great readjustments of taxation. It was 
sevenpence in the pound, but in the Inquirer article 
it is noted that it was not taken off dividends under 

1842] The "Inquirer" Newspaper. 109 

fifty shillings. The temporary expedient of 1842 
has become a permanent instrument of direct taxa- 
tion ; and "its unmitigated injustice," of which 
Samuel Sharpe spoke in the third number of the 
Inquirer, remains almost unchanged. It is still 
levied to the same extent on earned and pre- 
carious incomes as on those which are independent 
of the labour of their recipients. 

The Inquirer soon changed hands. Mr. Hill 
became tired of the expense before it had reached 
its fifth number, but Mr. Hincks did not wish it to 
drop, and succeeded in inducing Mr. Richard Taylor 
to buy it. Mr. Taylor changed its politics, making it, 
as Samuel Sharpe says in a history of the paper which 
he has written on a fly-leaf of the first volume, 
"decidedly Radical." "On this," he writes, "I 
ceased my contributions, writing nothing for Nos. 8, 
9, 10, and II." But Mr. Taylor had not been pro- 
prietor more than a fortnight when he found the 
weekly loss more than he was willing to bear, with 
only a distant prospect of profit. He determined to 
give it up, and the editor thereupon appealed for 
help in his own columns, announcing that the sale 
had already reached 600 copies. The appeal was 
responded to. A considerable number of subscrip- 
tions flowed IHj which kept the paper going. Mr. 
Taylor continued to be the proprietor, but as Mr. 
Hincks had thus kept it from ruin its exclusive 
direction was left to him, and as it once more repre- 
sented his more moderate views Sharpe renewed his 
connection with it, and wrote every week. After a 
short time Mr. Hincks paid Mr. Taylor the seventy 
pounds he was out of pocket by the concern, and put 

no The "Inquirer" Newspaper. [Ch. VI. 

the printing into the hands' of Mr. Richard Kinder, 
afterwards partner in the historical firm of Woodfall, 
who undertook to print it for the receipts. Mr. 
Hincks was proprietor, and found his remuneration 
for his editorial labour in the subscriptions. This 
arrangement was announced in the twenty-fifth 
number. The sale was then under 750 copies, but 
was increasing six or twelve each week. Mr. Hincks, 
however, was obliged to continue begging for it, and 
as it was felt to be valuable enough to deserve sup- 
port, subscriptions were always forthcoming in suffi- 
cient amount to enable him to continue it. In July, 
1843, when the paper was a year old, the sale had 
become about 9C0 a week. 

The subsequent history of a paper which has 
always represented the wide liberality and the love 
of learning which are a characteristic of the Unitarian 
denomination, may be here stated on the authority 
of Mr. Sharpe's memorandum. Mr. Kinder became 
proprietor of the paper when Mr. Hincks eventually 
gave it up, and a subscription was raised to enable 
him to engage Mr. Lalor as editor, while Mr. J. R. 
Robinson undertook the sub-editing. Mr. Lalor was 
an accomplished journalist. He had been for many 
years editor of the Morning Chronicle in days when 
that paper held the leading position in English 
journalism. He had retired from this influential 
post on account of ill-health, and even the renewed 
work on this weekly newspaper proved too much for 
him, though he received great assistance from Mr. 
William Richmond, now in New Zealand, and many 
others. On Mr. Lalor retiring from the editorship 
Mr. Kinder was compelled for some time to carry 

1843-] Editors of the "Inquirer." in 

on the paper without an editor, which he did with 
the assistance of Mr. Edwin Field, Mr. Macnamara 
(one of the Railway Commissioners), Mr. Samuel 
Sharpe, Mr. (now Sir) Edmund Hornby, and others. 
He then placed the editing in the hands of Mr. 
Richard Hutton (now editor and proprietor of the 
Spectator) and the late Mr. Sandford. When they 
resigned the Rev. T. L. Marshall was engaged 
as editor by Mr. Kinder, the paper being then 
sufficiently established to pay the editor a salary. 
In 1863 Mr. Kinder sold it to Mr. Marshall, 
Mr. J. R. Robinson, and Mr. Whitfield, and Mr. 
Robinson at once applied to it the business energy 
and practical sagacity which have since given him 
the foremost position among the managers of the 
London daily papers. As manager of the Daily 
News Mr. Robinson's admirable discrimination, his 
large knowledge of men, and his thorough under- 
standing of the events of the time, have given that 
journal the leading position as an organ of foreign 
and domestic intelligence. His connection with the 
Inquirer led to the remodelling of the paper, to the 
great increase of its usefulness as a weekly reflex 
not only of the Unitarian body but of the whole 
movement of theological opinion. In 1864 Mr. 
Robinson parted with his share to Mr. Marshall, 
and in 1876 Mr. Whitfield retired and Mr. Richard 
Bartram became associated with Mr. Marshall both 
in its proprietorship and management. 

Though Samuel Sharpe was willing to give much 
assistance to the Inquirer in its early days, a dis- 
like of newspaper work caused him to discontinue 
such writing for many years. His own account of 

112 " Inquirer " Articles. [Ch. vl 

his feeling on the subject is that " though writing for 
a periodical publication is always attractive, as what 
you write is sure to be read, it is a bad employment. 
The writer can hardly take pains or persuade himself 
to do his best when he knows that what he is writing 
will be read with carelessness, and never looked at 
after the first week." This view of periodical writing 
has often been taken, but there is another side to 
the question. Anonymous journalism would be 
almost impossible if it were true that the thought of 
careless readers made writers careless. Extempo- 
raneous writing is like extemporaneous speech. A 
man instinctively does his best, with his subject 
rather than his audience in mind. He writes best, 
as he speaks best, when his mind is in a glow, and 
quick pressure or rapid movement brings the glow 
he needs. Many of Mr. Sharpe's own friends 
thought that some of the best and liveliest things he 
ever wrote were among the articles he threw off 
week after week when in the latest years of his life 
he contributed to the columns of a new denomina- 
tional journal. 

The articles he contributed to the Inquirer during 
these two years recall many of the political contro- 
versies and social difficulties of the times, and throw 
an interesting light upon the political opinions of 
the writer. The first article is on the Government 
Grant for Education. The Whig Ministry had 
begun the grant a few years before, and it amounted 
to about ;^30,ooo a year. The Ministry of Sir 
Robert Peel proposed to continue it, and to increase 
it by a grant to Hullah's music classes. The Inquirer 
article says : — 

i?42-] The Education Grant. 113 

This is well as far as it goes, but it is not all that the friends 
of education expect ; moreover, it is beginning at the wrong 
end. The first thing should be to remove the present dis- 
couragements to education. ... To begin at the beginning. 
Why is not the tax taken off books ? or, rather, while Oxford 
and Cambridge print their Greek and Latin classics for the rich 
on untaxed paper, why is every spelling-book and reading-book 
for the poor to pay the paper duty ? . . . . Why is not every 
building employed for teaching relieved from Queen's taxes 
and parish rates ? This could give rise to no possible abuse. 
We do not mean only public colleges and Mechanics' Institutions ; 
every private schoolmaster while earning his livelihood, every 
village schoolmistress, is as much an instrument for educating 
the nation as any University, and their books and schoolroonas 
should be untaxed, — not for their sakes, but for the good of their 
scholars. Every schoolroom in the kingdom should be free 
from taxes ; every book, at least every school-book, should be 
on untaxed paper — at any rate before money is given to singing 
classes. Why, the very music books which HuUah's pupils 
hold in their hands have paid a tax. Sir Robert Peel remarked 
the other day that drawbacks were very objectionable. Then 
why not take the paper duty off the books, and the taxes off the 
buildings used for education, instead of giving a sum of money 
for its support ? 

The same number of the paper contains a short 
article on the war in Afghanistan, speaking of 
it as — 

One of the most unwise and unjust wars that have been 
lately undertaken. The Afghans are an independent tribe of 
mountaineers, bravely defending themselves from a wanton 
invasion ; and we are attacking those whom we ought to make 
our allies, a hardy race of men who might become our best 
bulwark on that side of our eastern possessions, and who would 
guard those mountain passes which from their distance it 
would be impossible for us to guard. 

The repeal of the taxes on knowledge was a long 
way off when the above words were written, and the 
removal of rates on schoolhouses further still — but 


114 "^^^ ^- P^^l's Changes. [Ch. vi. 

both have been done ; while in the latest Afghan 
war, and in the protest against it, the writer lived to 
see history repeat itself, both in the war and in 
the disasters to which it led. Happily, he could also 
rejoice in the spectacle of the more enlightened 
conscience of the nation rising up against the 
unscrupulous- Minister who had plunged into a 
wicked aggression to round off a frontier. 

He was, of course, a Free Trader in 1842 ; and 
in an article on the approach of the Parliamentary 
recess he expresses the hope that Sir Robert Peel, 
as sooii as he had got rid of his corn-growing Par- 
liament, would "relieve his own mind and his 
suffering countrymen by an Order in Council 
admitting the bonded corn." The article concludes 
with the expression of a hope which was abundantly 
justified a few years later. Its argument was that Sir 
R. Peel had changed before, and might change again. 

First on the Catholic question ; Sir Robert Peel repealed 
the Catholic disabihties after having been for years the member 
for Oxford University and the champion of Protestantism. 
Secondly, at the beginning of this Session, after having allowed 
his friends up to the last minute to promise that there should 
be no change he came down upon them with an improvement 
certainly in the Corn Laws, and with the admission of foreign 
cattle. After these two instances of his readiness to prefer good 
sense to the selfish prejudices of his party we are not without 
hopes that when Parliament meets in February next Sir Robert 
Peel may be for the third time greeted with the praises of the 
Opposition as spUndide mendax. 

A letter on " The Morality of the Ballot " shows 
him to have been at this time, as he always remained, 
an opponent of secret voting, on the old grounds 
that an honest man never wants to do anything in 

1842.] Distress in the Country. 115 

the dark, and that a vote being a trust, those on 
whose behalf it is exercised have a right to see in 
what way the trust is discharged. There was force 
in this argument, so long as the suffrage was limited 
to the ten-pound householders ; but now that the 
franchise is exercised in boroughs, and is soon to be 
exercised in counties, by every man who has a per- 
manent habitation and the responsibilities which 
accompany it, it is no longer possible to regard it in 
that light. It is a right in the exercise of which 
every man has a fair claim to such protection as 
circumstances may render necessary and as the 
community can give. So far as it is possible to 
gather from the scanty indications given in the 
Inquirer articles, it was almost solely on this ques- 
tion of the Ballot that Mr. R. Taylor had made its 
politics too Radical for his contributor at Highbury. 
It is difficult for those who live in these days of 
Free Trade and Liberal legislation to appreciate the 
crisis through which the nation passed during Sir 
Robert Peel's Conservative administration of 1841. 
The papers of the day are full of accounts of distress 
and disturbance in the manufacturing districts. 
Parliament was prorogued in 1842 in the midst of 
a discussion raised by Mr. Tom Buncombe, in the 
course of which Mr. Hume said it was necessary to 
place cannon in the middle of Manchester to keep 
the public peace. Mr. Cobden entreated, the Govern- 
ment not to send the Cheshire Yeomanry into that 
city, but to rely on soldiers of the line, Mr. Ward 
said that the destitution in Sheffield was so great 
that the slightest spark would cause an explosion, 
and Sir Robert Peel, admitting the severity of the 

I 2 

ii6 Bread-Riots. [ 

distress, charged the disturbances on persons who 
studiously went about inflaming the public mind. 
The Manchester Guardian of the same week — the 
second week in August — was full of accounts of 
serious rioting at Oldham, at Ashton, and at Man- 
chester itself At Stalybridge a banner was carried 
about with the inscription, " They that perish by the 
sword are better off than they that perish with 
hunger." At Rochdale the dragoons had to be sent 
for. In Salford the Riot Act was read, and the 
mayor called all the well-disposed inhabitants to 
assist in the suppression of " the present riotous and 
disgraceful proceedings." From .South Staffordshire 
the news of the same week was even more alarming. 
A letter from Stourbridge says : — " There is not 
one pit at work. Throughout this whole division of 
the county nothing is to be seen for miles but idle 
works, groups of men, women and children begging, 
and encamped in fields cooking whatever provision 
they can procure." At Dudley the colliers were all 
out, and having exhausted the charity of the town, 
went about in large bodies levying contributions in 
all the other places in the district. The Scotch 
miners were all out on a strike, which was 
described in the newspapers as " the most alarming 
turn-out which has ever taken place in the mining 
districts of Scotland." In Aberdeenshire a public 
warning against agitators was sent out by the 
sheriff and the municipal authorities announcing 
their resolve to "repress incitements to popular 

This is the story of a single week. For a few 
weeks matters went from bad to worse : but a fine 

1842.] A Struggle Imminent. 117 

autumn and a good harvest eventually brought some 
relief. Then, as in later days, a complaint arose 
that the tariffs of other countries are against our 
trade. In a short City article in the Inquirer of the 
22nd of October our author writes : — " The news 
from Manchester is very discouraging. Prices of 
manufactured goods have again fallen, and the 
prospect for the coming winter is gloomy in the 
extreme. The Leeds Mercury reminds us that 
within these two years six European kingdoms and 
the United States have published hostile tariffs, 
raising the duties on our goods, and in some cases 
prohibiting them. They are, unfortunately, copying 
us in our exclusive system." A month later he 
writes : — " It is easy to foresee that in the coming 
Session of Parliament the great struggle will be to 
lower the taxes on food. . . . We must hope 
that the national distress, which has now reached 
the agricultural districts, will at last open the land- 
lords' eyes. Their rents are dependent on our 
trading activity. Land in England, like land in 
the back woods of America, would not be worth 
five dollars an acre if it were not for its neighbour- 
hood to a crowded manufacturing population ; and 
yet our landlords have the folly to be jealous of 

The landlords have now pretty fully learned the 
lesson, and their jealousy of trade has almost passed 
away. Even the farmers now refuse to be turned 
from necessary reforms in rural administration, and 
in the laws which regulate the land, by the paltry 
bribe of a five-shilling duty on corn, which irrespon- 
sible politicians like Mr. James Lowther pretend to 

ii8 The Corn-Law Difficulty. [Ch. vi. 

offer them ; while the proposal to restore the duties 
on manufactured articles has fallen into the hands of 
Sir Edward Sullivan and Mr. Maclver, whose chief 
disciples are the sugar-boiling operatives of Bristol 
and the East-end of London. But in the beginning 
of 1843 even the repeal of the Corn Laws was some 
distance off, and only sanguine pohticians thought 
such a revolution in our fiscal policy to be within 
distant reach. Writing in the Inquirer on the 14th 
of January Samuel Sharpe says : — 

It is clear that the measures of the past Session have given 
us poverty and an income-tax ; and the double inconvenience 
may perhaps recall the House of Commons, if not too much 
committed by party pledges, towards the dictates of good 
sense. At any rate, the former proposals of Lord John Russell 
to raise an income in that most agreeable of all ways, by allow- 
ing the importation of foreign corn and sugar, will stand a 
chance of being listened to more favourably. Indeed it is not 
impossible that Sir Robert Peel may feel driven by the distress 
of the nation to propose them as his own measures. These 
two proposals to let in foreign corn and foreign sugar would 
ease the sufferings of the poor, would increase ti-ade, and would 
replenish the Exchequer ; but then they would widen the 
breach between the Minister and the mortgaged landlords. 
On mentioning the mortgaged landlords it is perhaps worth 
while to say a few words on mortgages. They are in reality 
at the bottom of the whole Corn-Law difficulty. If corn were 
admitted at a low duty, and the nation was made more 
prosperous by the change, the landlords would share in the 
general advantage. Even if their rents in some cases should 
fall, they would be more than compensated by the cheapness 
of every article which they wished to purchase with those 
rents. But consider the positions of the mortgaged landlord 
and the mortgagee. To the mortgagee the fall in prices is all 
gain ; he loses no part of that gain by a fall in rents. But the 
landlord, if mortgaged, loses just what the mortgagee gains. 
When the landlord's rents fall, he is only in part relieved by a 
fall in the prices of the articles which he consumes. One of 

1842.] Growth and Fall of Rents. 119 

his great payments remains the same, namely, the interest on 
the mortgage. And unfortunately as a nation we are governed 
by mortgaged' landlords. 

Nobody in those days anticipated that the leaps 
and bounds by which the national prosperity would 
advance under complete Free Trade ^^ould cause the 
most remarkable growth of rent which has ever 
taken place in England ; or that a general fall in 
rents would be only from this immensely increased 
amount, and would be. delayed for five-and-thirty 
years. A very large share of the increased wealth 
which Free Trade and Liberal legislation have 
brought, has gone, as what Mr. Mill calls " unearned 
increment " in the value of their property, into the 
pockets of the landlords. The fall in rents has 
perhaps come at last, but it is not likely to go so 
far as to reduce them to anything like what they 
were in the last days of Protection. The difficulty, 
clearly stated in the article quoted above, has, how- 
ever, made itself felt much as the writer anticipated. 
For mortgages, we must now read settlements. 
The greater part of the land is overburdened with 
heavy payments which the landlord is obliged to 
make to various members of his father's family. 
These have all been calculated on the exaggerated 
rental which the soil has paid during the generation 
since the Corn Laws were repealed. As the rent is 
now finding its natural level, the whole fall comes 
out of the margin which constitutes the real income 
of the life-owner of the property. He may have 
inherited twenty thousand a year from the rent of 
farms. Of this he pays perhaps twelve thousand 
under various settlements, so that his real income is 

120 Irish Discontent. [Ch. VI. 

eight. A fall of twenty-five per cent, in the total 
rental leaves him but fifteen thousand out of which 
to pay the twelve ; and cuts his own margin down 
to three. There are many landlords whose position 
is even worse than this, while many more have 
profited so greatly by the growth of towns, trans- 
forming farms into market gardens, and agricultural 
land into building sites, that they can easily aff"ord to 
make great reductions in merely agricultural rents. 
How the agricultural interest is to maintain itself, 
under the very artificial conditions imposed on the 
holding and cultivation of the soil, is one of the 
unsolved problems of the immediate future. 

It is now beginning to be seen that it is the land 
question which is really at the bottom of Irish dis- 
content. In the gloomy times from 1842 to 1847 
this connection was not fully understood. A nearer 
and more obvious injustice, in the shape of the Irish 
Established Church, attracted more attention on both 
sides of the Irish Sea. In the Inquirer articles Mr. 
Sharpe showed much political sagacity, in comments 
on the whole Irish question which forty years ago 
were far in advance of the times. On May 27, 1843, 
he writes : — 

Three-quarters of the Irish are now demanding a repeal of 
the Union with an earnestness and a threatening attitude 
which must make their rulers listen to them. Whether or no 
the repeal of the Union would heal the evils that the Irish 
complain of, we English, perhaps, are not the most impartial 
judges, but one thing is quite certain, that the cry for the 
remedy proves the existence of the wound, and that if the 
repeal of the Union is not the true remedy, it behoves the 
Government to say what is. It is the duty of the House of 
Commons to set on foot a searching inquiry into the causes 

1842.] A Lesson from History. 121 

of the Irish discontent. In what points do we wrong them, 
in what do we insult them ? 

The answer he gives is that the Established 
Church is one main cause of the irritation, and must 
be removed. In another article, which is worth 
quoting in full, the Egyptian scholar draws a curious 
and suggestive parallel between this difficulty of his 
own times and one which belonged to ancient history. 
It is entitled " A Lesson from History." 

Few cases can be more completely parallel than those of 
Ireland and ancient Egypt when under the government of 
Constantinople. The more educated Greeks of Alexandria 
were the Orange party, and their Arian opinions were the 
Protestantism of the country. They claimed ascendancy as 
their birthright, and they insulted the " wild " Egyptians by 
calling them " aliens in blood, aliens in language, and ahens 
in religion." They supported their ascendancy by the help 
of troops from Constantinople ; and by a law not unlike the 
present Irish Arms Bill, they forcibly entered the dwelling of 
every Egyptian every third year to search for arms. The 
Bishop Athanasius was the O'Connell of Egypt, who, with a 
political skill and judgment quite equal to that of the modern 
Agitator, raised the Egyptians in " passive resistance." Then, 
as, now, the soldiers were many of them of the religion of the 
oppressed party, and none could be depended upon but the 
two legions, into which, like our regiments of Guards, they 
allowed none of these aliens to be admitted. To lessen this 
difficulty, they set us the example of changing the militia of 
the two halves of the kingdom ; they moved the E5;;yptian 
troops into Thrace, and carried Thracians and Pannonians 
into Egypt. Their courts of justice were made dependent, and 
appeals were allowed, at a great expense, from Alexandria 
to the higher prefect in Constantinople, as from Dublin to 
the House of Lords. The Egyptians, in their agitation, 
received addresses from their " sympathizers" of the same 
religion in Rome, as the Irish from America. Theodosius I., 
like the Whig Ministry, put an end to the political quarrel 
at a stroke by putting the natives into offices of trust and 

122 An Historic Parallel. [Ch.VI 

power ; but his successors soon lighted up the flames of dis- 
content again by restoring the ascendancy to the minority in 
the capital. In short, the Egyptians, like the native Irish, 
were the less educated and the more superstitious in rehgion ; 
and the Alexandrians, like the Protestants of Dublin, were the 
more bigoted in politics. Let us hope that the parallel will 
hold no further. From the constant turmoil of this state of 
half rebellion, the wealth and prosperity of the country rapidly 
lessened. The ascendancy party were lessened in numbers by 
emigration from a country in which rents and taxes were no 
longer paid. All the religious conversions were from the more 
enhghtened to the less enlightened religion. The Egyptians 
turned a longing eye towards their co-religionists, the Arabs, 
as the Irish have sometimes done towards their Gallic 
neighbours ; and by the Arabic invasion • the repeal of the 
Union was at last brought about. Let us hope that it may 
be avoided in Ireland by the use of a little common sense, by 
means which are at once so obvious, and would be so certainly 

This historic parallel still applies. The policy of 
" putting the natives into offices of trust and power " 
has never yet been carried far enough. An English 
peer must still rule in Dublin Castle, and a repre- 
sentative of some English, Scotch, or Welsh con- 
stituency be chosen as his Chief Secretary. Irish 
legal appointments go to Irish lawyers ; and the 
poHtical appointments must go to Irish politicians. 

The glimpses of the ecclesiastical politics of the 
time in these Inquirer articles are full of interest. 
There were signs of disruption in the Established 
Churches both north and south of the Tweed. In 
Scotland the disruption took place ; in England it 
has been avoided. The Evangelicals thought the 
Puseyites, as the Romanising party was then called, 
ought to go out of the Church ; the Puseyites, and 
most of the Dissenters, thought the Evangelicals 

i[843-J. The Crisis in the Church. 123 

should secede. The crisis, as it then looked to an 
intelligent and clear-sighted observer, who belonged 
to neither party, is thus described in an article on 
the 9th of May, 1843 :— 

The Liberal Dissenters, like ourselves, who have no other 
wish than that, in the war of opinions, truth should have fair 
play, can look at the present divisions in the Church with 
impartial eyes. As long as the Puseyites are in the minority, 
much as we disapprove of their half-Popish opinions, we cannot 
feel their existence an evil, though we should think their 
attainment of power a most serious misfortune. We look 
upon all endowed creeds and articles of religion as embank- 
ments to stop the spread of knowledge, as a declaration on the 
part of the subscribers that the world can never get any wiser, 
as pillars of Hercules to fix the ne plus ultra beyond which 
the human mind is not to advance in its search after truth. 
But during the last century the clergy for the most part held 
opinions much less erroneous than their creeds, and being only 
bound by " the elastic bonds of an oath," were usually much 
more liberal than the Articles. Hence the number of Evan- 
gelical clergymen who have entered the Church. But now the 
Puseyites are recalling the Church to the strict letter of the 
Articles, and if they persist they seem likely to shake their own 
foundations by the reductio ad absurdum. For example, we 
suppose few Churchmen consider that the mere baptism, 
or sprinkling by the priest, will avail without the help of 
Christian conduct in after life. But the Puseyites, boldly 
standing upon the Articles, declare that the point at issue 
between themselves and their Evangelical brethren is that the 
Evangelicals say that men are to be regenerated by faith, and 
they, the Puseyites, that they are to be regenerated by baptism. 
And the Bishop of London, in his charge, declares that the 
Puseyites are right, that it is the doctrine of the Articles that 
regeneration is by baptism. We may call this a reductio ad 
absurdum; but not so the Evangelical clergy. They complain 
that the Bishop is subjecting them to a heavy persecution. 
He is as bad as the Itiquirer in reminding them of their 
ordination vows in this and on some other points ; and in tell- 
ing them in the House of Lords that those who do not believe 

124 I'he Oxford Movement. [Ch.VI. 

the Articles should quit the Church. Again, it has been cus- 
tomary for the Protestants to declare that the Bible is the sole 
foundation for their religion. But the Puseyites, lilie the 
Papists, profess that they are guided by the voice of the 
Church, by tradition as declared by the ecclesiastical autho- 
rities, and here, as before, they are fully borne out by the 
twentieth Article, which declares that the Church has authority 
in matters of faith. We think the cause of truth must gain by 
this controversy, and as for the Bishop of London, we can cer- 
tainly not blame him for reminding the clergy of the sacred 
nature of an oath. 

This is a fair account of the controversy as it 
stood in 1843. Forty years have changed the posi- 
tion of the original combatants, and brought new 
parties on the scene. The Oxford Movement, the 
story of which Mr. Mozley says has yet to be told, 
had not developed its full results till long after 
Newman, with splendid and admirable consistency, 
sacrificed a position of unparalleled influence and 
went his way to Rome. Why, at this period, the 
movement should have taken Pusey's name has 
never been clearly made out. Mr. Mozley, in his 
interesting " Reminiscences," says with perfect truth, 
that " if there ever could be any question as to the 
master spirit of this movement, which now would be 
a very speculative question indeed, it lies between 
John Henry Newman and Richard Hurrell Froude."* 
The lead fell into Pusey's hands when the true 
leaders left the Church ; but his name was attached 
to the movement while Hurrell Froude and New- 
man were still its active spirits. He joined them 
about 1833 or 1834, and, says Cardinal Newman 
in his "Apologia," "he at once gave to us a 

* " Reminiscences, chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford 
Movement," vol. i. p. 225. 

i843-] Puseyism and Ritualism. 125 

position and a name. Without him we should have 
had no chance, especially at the early date of 1834, 
of making any serious resistance to the Liberal 
aggression. But Dr. Pusey was a Professor and 
Canon of Christ Church ; he had vast influence in 
consequence of his deep religious seriousness, the 
munificence of his charities, his Professorship, his 
family connections, and his easy relations with 
University authorities." As a University move- 
ment Puseyism has passed away, and the religious 
Liberalism against which it was a protest is once 
more in the ascendant at Oxford. As a popular 
movement it has become Ritualism ; at its very best, 
a marriage of religious awakening to artistic revival ; 
at its worst, " a thing of shreds and patches," a mix- 
ture of man-millinery and music ; the attempt of 
feeble clerical minds to magnify their office. To 
Newman and Froude it was Romanism in reality ; 
to the majority of ritualistic curates in these days, 
it is — as Lord Beaconsfield called it — " the Mass in 

The movement in Scotland was in a very different 
direction to a far different result. It was High 
Church in another sense. It had for its object the 
liberation of spiritual organizations from the inter- 
ference of secular authority. Its leader was a much 
greater man than Dr. Pusey, or, indeed, than any of 
the chiefs of the Oxford movement, excepting Car- 
dinal Newman. Dr. Chalmers was a man of heroic 
nature. He could not only make a great sacrifice 
himself, but could inspire others to make it. He 
had been brought to London to lecture at the 
Hanover Square Rooms in favour of Church 

126 The Scottish Disruption. [Ch. vi. 

Establishments. He held the principle of State 
Churchism, even when he was compelled by dbedi- 
ence to conscience to protest against its inevitable 
results. The agitation of which he was the head 
was at first misunderstood in England. The State 
Church party looked on it as equivalent to rebel- 
lion ; the Dissenters regarded it, as they now rightly 
regard that of the English Church Union, as an 
attempt to get the freedom and independence of 
Nonconformity without forfeiting the advantages of 
Establishment. This view was perfectly just as far 
as it went, but it did not go far enough. It applied 
an English standard to Scotch earnestness. When 
social advantages are in one scale and spiritual 
freedom in the other, it is not often on this side of 
the Tweed that the spiritual side weighs down the 
beam. It is not doing so in the case of the ex- 
treme ritualists. Our Greens and Mackonochies 
will travesty martyrdom, but will not take up the 
burden of their freedom. The men whom Chalmers 
led were more in earnest. If they could not have 
within the Established Church the liberty they 
believed they ought to claim, they valued it enough 
to go outside the Church on its behalf Their act of 
secession changed the whole aspect of their move- 
ment in the eyes of the world. In an Inquirer 
article on the 27th May, 1843, Mr. Sharpe ex- 
presses the view then taken by English Liberals, and 
shows his usual sagacity in anticipating results from 
their action which Dr. Chalmers neither expected 
nor desired, but which are following at the end of 
forty years : — 
Since the passing of the English Act of Uniformity in 

1843-] The Scottish Disruption. 127 

Charles II.'s reign, when the founders of our Presbyterian 
congregations earned their undying names by resigning their 
livings for conscience-sake, our country has not witnessed so 
grand a moral sight as is now passing in Scotland. Four 
hundred beneficed clergymen have there resigned their livings 
and quitted their parsonage-houses and churches, because after 
long and anxious deliberation they have thought it wrong, under 
present circumstances, to hold them .... Dr. Chalmers, on 
taking the Chair as Moderator of the Free Assembly of the 
Church of Scotland, declared their attachment to an Establish- 
ment, and that they were no friends of the voluntary system. 
Be this, however, as it may, we here have more than one-third 
of the Established Church of Scotland throwing up its share 
of the emoluments for the sake of freedom of action-; they 
have become Dissenters, and as such they will act and feel for 
the future. They will be found a strong addition to the friends 
of civil and religious liberty, though they are in part driven to 
take this solemn step by the defeat of their claims of spiritual 
power. Their successors will not have the same love for Estab- 
lishments which Dr. Chalmers no doubt truly feels. They, of 
course, now feel that their secession will make no change in 
their religious opinions ; so thought our Presbyterian fore- 
fathers in leaving the Church of England .... In conclusion, 
while Dr. Chalmers and his followers were receiving the 
emoluments of the State, and struggling for a freedom and a 
power wholly inconsistent with such emoluments, we thought 
them in the wrong ; but now that they have made their choice 
— and such a noble choice — they have at once put themselves 
right ; we no longer criticise their conscience or its scruples, 
but grant them our full respect for having obeyed its 

These extracts sufficiently exhibit the views of 
their writer on the political, social, and ecclesiastical 
questions of his time. He made many other con- 
tributions to the Inquirer on theological subjects, 
and on questions of scholarship, as well as reviews 
of books. The various topics thus treated exhibited 
the wide range over] which his knowledge and 

128 The "Christian Reformer." [Ch. VI. 

his intellectual sympathy extended. Other work of 
the same years may be summed up in his own 
words : — 

Another periodical publication which I sometimes wrote 
for was the Rev. Mr. Aspland's Christian Reformer, a 
monthly Unitarian magazine. To this I used to send 
papers on Biblical Criticism. These were signed with my 
name. They were usually explanatory of single texts. 
But I was never satisfied with writing for periodical publi- 
cations ; and, after a time, I changed my plan. Instead 
of writing upon texts, I began a series of papers on the 
several books of the Bible ; and though I sent many of 
them to Mr. Aspland to be published in his magazine, I 
always wrote them with the full intention of collecting them 
together and publishing them in a volume by themselves. 

These notes attracted much attention at the time 
among the readers of Mr. Aspland's magazine. The 
signature of S. S. became a familiar and very wel- 
come one, and so remained for many years in that 
and other Unitarian publications ; though some of his 
friends were reminded by it of the letters which the 
fanatic Huntingdon, S. S., or Sinner Saved, appended 
to his name and inscribed on the panel of his 
carriage door. The intention of collecting and 
publishing these criticisms was carried out in 1854 
by the publication of a volume entitled " Historic 
Notes on the Old and New Testament," of which a 
second edition was issued in 1858. 




The five young men who had set out in life during 
the second and third decades of the century were 
all well-established at the beginning of the fifth. 
There are but few family histories in which five 
brothers attain so high a level of prosperity ; and 
there are still fewer in which all retain so much in- 
terest in public matters and keep up with such suc- 
cess and distinction their intellectual pursuits. The 
references to his brothers in Samuel Sharpe's Diary 
are not numerous, and there is a melancholy con 
trast in two which are only separated from each 
other by an interval of less than fifteen months. 
He writes on the 14th of December, 1841, "My 
brother Sutton, since the opening of the two new 
Vice- Chancellors' Courts, is quite one of the leaders 
of the Chancery Bar. Lord Lyndhurst has very 
honourably begged him to join in the Commission 
to propose the necessary reforms in Chancery. 
Sutton's abilities are unquestionably great, and he 
now has the reward of twenty years' industry. All 
my brothers are nearly equally prosperous." 
The reward of twenty years' industry was never to 


130 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 

be fully reaped. On the 21st of February, 1843, 
his brother writes : — " I left Sutton's chambers last 
night doubtful whether I should find him alive in 
the morning. He had for several weeks been slowly 
but steadily recovering from a partial paralysis, 
when a second stroke came on, which Dr. Bright 
says he cannot survive. He feels no pain, but 
medicine can do no more. During these weeks we 
have been always with him, and yesterday he thanked 
me for my visit ; to-day he is unconscious of it. 
His faculties and his feelings are gone, his mind 
destroyed, perhaps by the over-exercise of its own 
powers in his profession. He had been twenty 
months Q.C." He died at midnight on the 22nd 
of February, 1843, at his chambers in New Square, 
in the 46th year of his age, and was buried in the 
Cloisters of Lincoln's Inn, of which he was one of 
the benchers. His funeral was attended by his 
brothers, some near relatives, and a small group of 
professional friends, among whom were the Master 
of the Rolls (Lord Langdale), Vice-Chancellor 
Knight Bruce and Vice-Chancellor Wigram. They 
lamented not only the brilliant companion and 
friend, but the early close of a career which was full 
of the highest promise. 

Sutton Sharpe had been called to the bar in 
June, 1822.* He devoted himself to Equity practice, 
and at once began to attend the Chancery Court of 
the County Palatine of Lancaster, of which Sir 
Giffin Wilson was then Vice-Chancellor. Business 
rapidly crowded upon him, and in the course of a 
few years he attained a leading rank among Counsel 
* Chap. II. page 33. 

1 843-] His Professional Fame. 131 

behind the Bar. He first gained distinction in the 
celebrated case of the British Iron Company (Small 
versus Attwood), in which he was one of the counsel 
for the Company. The Legal Observer, in its 
Memoir of him, says that " To the manner in which 
he distinguished himself in this suit his rapid rise, 
is, in a measure, to be attributed." His pleadings are 
described as " models in their legal acuteness, in 
their most logical arrangement, and in their lucid 
phraseology.'' As in other professions so at the bar, 
the foundation of a great reputation is first laid 
among the members of the profession itself Sutton 
Sharpe had established his professional fame. He 
was regarded as the most promising man of his day, 
and the very highest honours of the profession were 
already thought to be within his reach. He had given 
evidence before a Committee of the Lords as to the 
new judges in Chancery; and before a Committee 
of the Commons on the removal of the Law Courts 
from Westminster Hall. The appointment referred 
to in his brother's Diary arose out of the Act by which 
the Lord Chancellor was empowered to make im- 
provements in his Court. It was a high proof of the 
professional confidence felt in Sutton Sharpe that he 
was at once named by Lord Lyndhurst as a member 
of the small Commission appointed to prepare the 
new rules and regulations, his colleagues being the 
Master of the Rolls, Vice-Chancellor Wigram, and 
Mr. Pemberton Leigh. He was made a Queen's 
Counsel by Lord Cottenham, in 1841, and attached 
himself to the Court of Vice-Chancellor Wigram. 
Here he at once took the lead, and retained it till 
he was attacked with what proved to be his fatal 

K 2 

132 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 

illness at the close of the Michaelmas Term in 

He had always been known as a Liberal, and 
as a prominent advocate of law reform. He had 
been invited to enter political life, but had made an 
early resolution, to which he steadfastly adhered, to 
refuse all overtures from constituencies till he had 
obtained a distinct lead at the Bar. This coveted 
position he had reached, and had already begun 
to consider where he should plant his feet on the 
first step in the political ladder by which the highest 
peaks are scaled. He had the personal qualities, and 
as a nephew of Mr. Rogers he had many of the 
social advantages, which come strongly to the aid of 
a legitimate ambition. The Morning Chronicle in 
an obituary notice said of him, that " No man was 
a more general favourite in society," and that " such 
was the amenity of his manners that even in the 
times when politics ran highest in the country, as 
during the period of the Reform Bill, we do not 
believe his stout assertion of his principles ever lost 
him a friend." The Examiner, in those days the 
leading weekly journal, not only spoke of him as 
" one of the most valuable men of our time," but 
added : — " His career was one of uninterrupted 
success, and the most brilliant professional prospects 
were before him, but prosperity never in the slightest 
degree spoiled him ; and he never forgot an old 
friend nor failed to return a hundred-fold an old 
kindness." This is high praise ; but other testi- 
monies confirm it. The Law Magazine, in an article 
on " Recent Reforms in Chancery," made the follow- 
ing tribute to his personal and professional worth : — 

I843-] An Estimate of his Work. 133 

We here close our observations on the labours of the 
Chancery Commission [the Master of the Rolls, V.-C. Wigram, 
Mr. Pembetton Leigh and Mr. Sutton Sharpe]. There is 
however another subject to which if we did not advert we 
should not be doing justice to the feelings of many of our 
readers, certainly not to our own : we mean the death of Mr. 
Sutton Sharpe, one of the members of the Commission. 
When a lawyer has made his way into the lead of one of the 
branches of the Court of Chancery, he has become a person 
of some public importance. The transaction of the business 
of the Court is very much affected by the nature of his abilities ; 
and if he is a person of high feeling and masculine character, 
his influence is of great avail in regulating the tone and 
temper of the Court. Such was the position of Mr. Sutton 
Sharpe at the time of his death. He was the undisputed 
leader of V.-C. Wigram's Court. His knowledge of his pro- 
fession in pleading, practice, and principle was very extensive. 
He had acquired a power of making his statements with 
clearness and simplicity, and of conducting his arguments with 
ingenuity and precision. Besides these merits he was a man 
in whom a long course of uninterrupted success produced 
neither vanity nor affectation. He never made a parade of 
his learning, nor endeavoured to crush an adversary by the 
superior weight of his abilities. Above all he had an integrity 
and uprightness of mind which made him clear and straight- 
forward in the transaction of business, and utterly averse to 
any step, however advantageous at the moment, which was in 
the slightest degree tinctured with unfairness. In consulta- 
tion he was always ready to discuss, with lawyers far inferior 
to himself, every branch of his case ; in Court he had a manner 
so mild and a tone so free from offence as to command the 
goodwill of every one that heard him. His strong understand- 
ing and ready judgment guided him to the proper course 
under all circumstances, and enabled him to give the most 
useful advice to other men, whatever might be the difficulties 
under which he was consulted. 

But it was not merely as a good English lawyer that Mr. 
Sharpe was fitted to take a lead in his profession. He 
had a competent knowledge of foreign law as well as an 
extensive acquaintance with foreign advocates. There is no 
doubt that if his life had been spared he would have turned 

134 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 

this knowledge of jurisprudence to public benefit. Indeed it 
is hard to conjecture the fuU extent of the loss which the 
public have sustained ; for no one can have observed his 
progress during the last two years of his life without per- 
ceiving that he always rose with the occasion, and that the 
higher his position, the greater the responsibility resting upon 
him, the more difficult the task to be performed, — the greater 
was his display of ability. It is clear that his career closed 
before the powers of his mind were fully developed. His 
private friends will deplore the loss of one to whom they 
were affectionately attached ; we shall recollect his laborious 
and successful career, his intellectual and moral qualities, and 
grieve over the death of an eminent advocate who exercised 
an influence for honorable and useful ends, and was capable of 
filling with great public advantage the highest posts of his 

An appreciative notice also appeared in the 
'Journal des D^bats, expressive of the profound 
regret felt among the literary men and lawyers of 
the French capital at his lOss. It was his custom 
to spend two months of every vacation in Paris, 
and he used to say that he had more friends in 
that city than in London. His knowledge of 
French History and Literature was probably as 
extensive as that of any man of his time ; and he 
left behind him a library containing all the best 
books in the French language. His collection of 
works on English History and English Law was 
equally complete ; and the Taxing Masters in Chan- 
cery subscribed to purchase his Law Library for the 
use of their office. He had preserved copies of all 
his opinions, as well as a careful digest of Equity 
cases, which, being well-bound and indexed, have been 
found useful by many of his successors though they 
have never been published. The immense activity 

1 843-] His Illness and Death. 135 

which all these various interests entailed needed a 
constitution of iron. In those days men had not 
learned the scientific treatment of themselves which 
is now generally adopted. A long cessation of work 
at the beginning of 1842 would probably have 
saved Sutton Sharpe's life. He was out of health 
before the vacation, and during his usual holiday in 
Paris suffered from a severe attack of diarrhoea, 
which greatly lowered his strength. But he returned 
to work for the Michaelmas term, and with difficulty 
got through it. He then took only a week's rest ; 
and in the sittings in chambers after term he 
became worse. Still the warning was not under- 
stood. He went to Brighton for Christmas, but 
came back to work as soon as the short holidays 
were over, and was speedily laid aside by an attack 
of paralysis. He rallied from this stroke, but a 
second followed from which he could not recover. 

No life has hitherto been written of this brilliant 
member of a clever family. His memory is cherished 
among the best traditions of the profession which he 
adorned ; but so many have fallen, as he did, on the 
very threshold of the great career which it offers to 
a chosen few, that the world does little more than 
cast a passing glance on the ruined expectations 
and blighted hopes which so premature a death 
involves. Had Sutton Sharpe, like some of his con- 
temporaries, lived through the forty-one years which 
passed between the giving of his evidence in favour 
of the removal of the Courts of Law from West- 
minster, and the opening of the new Courts in the 
Strand, he must have had a large part in the great 
and beneficent reforms which that removal sym- 

136 Sutton Sharpe the Younger. [Ch.vii. 

bolises. His friends in the profession expected great 
things from him. It is by their estimate of his 
powers, and their sense of the loss his early removal 
inflicted on the profession and the country, that his 
intellectual rank must now be fixed. A few years 
more and all the world would have recognized him. 
But the few years were not given him. Yet no com- 
plaint escaped from him in his illness. He must have 
felt that he had learned, in Milton's words, " to scorn 
delights and live laborious days," and that " the 
fair guerdon " was denied to him. A few cordially 
appreciative memorial articles in English and 
French newspapers, expressions of admiration and 
deep regret in the publications which repre- 
sented the legal profession, a general sense all 
through the members of the bar that a most 
promising career had closed before its just expecta- 
tions could be realised, are all that represents his 
fame. The Legal Observer summed up the services 
expected from him by saying, " As a man qualified 
to do great, bold, and wide things in Law Reform, 
and yet things safe because bold and wide, we believe 
there are few men now living in this land, by a long 
interval, to compare with him. His mind was in 
itself admirably constituted for such a task, and his 
early position in a solicitor's ofiice had given him, as 
we believe, a most essential and very peculiar advan- 
tage. In this point of view we mourn over his death 
as a serious public loss ; a loss which, as far as we 
can see, is not likely soon to be replaced." 

The desire expressed in the obituary notices of 
Sutton Sharpe that his Life should be written, and 
that his Digest of Equity Cases, and selections from 

1 843-] An Unfinished Story. 137 

the carefully preserved copies of his Opinions, should 
be published, was never realized. His life is an 
unfinished story, which breaks suddenly ofif just at 
the point at which it becomes most interesting to 
ordinary readers. It had but little incident. It had 
been spent in the diligent exercise of an arduous 
profession ; it was little known except to the 
members of that profession and a large group of 
attached personal friends ; and it had not yet touched 
that larger and noisier world of politics, in which 
most lawyers complete their success and extend and 
consolidate their fame. To his family the loss was 
not only that of the eldest brother, but of its most 
brilliant member. Mr. Rogers and Miss Rogers had 
indulged the very highest expectations respecting 
him. Their esteem for him, it may be said their 
pride in him, was very great. They had followed 
his professional career with a most affectionate and 
constant interest. But it was on his sister, Catharine 
Sharpe, that the loss fell the most heavily. She 
was now past sixty. For tv/enty years she had been 
rejoicing in the steady work and the growing 
success of the five brothers to whom she had given 
up her youth. They had all looked up to her, sought 
her counsel, taken her advice, and enjoyed her hearty 
sympathy in their domestic relationships, and now the 
eldest had been struck down on the very threshold 
of brilliant personal and professional success. 

In a letter to Mrs. Samuel Sharpe written within 
a fortnight of Sutton's death, Catharine Sharpe says 
that she has once more gone to Brighton, and is be- 
ginning to turn her thoughts to her own plans and 
movements. " I shall be better able," she says, " to 

138 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 

decide upon any permanent place of residence and 
mode of life after entirely detaching myself from 
present circumstances, when I can bring fresh feel- 
ings and ideas to bear upon the subject, and for that 
purpose I should go abroad." She then makes an 
earnest appeal to be allowed to take the eldest 
daughter Emily away with her for the summer. 
The request was granted after considerable hesita- 
tion and some further correspondence, and on 
August 25 th her father writes in his Diary : " Emily 
has now been two months at Boulogne with my 
sister ; and all the accounts of her and from her give 
us full satisfaction." During this journey Catharine 
Sharpe was herself seriously ill, and it was for- 
tunate that her brother Henry with his wife 
and four children were spending a long summer 
holiday at Boulogne, and were able to attend to 
her in their own lodgings. On leaving Boulogne 
she joined a family of old and attached friends 
who were then staying at St. Omer. These friends 
were Mr. and Mrs. Mallet, and one of their two sons 
and their two daughters. With her niece Emily and 
Miss S. Mallet, she visited Bruges, Ghent, Antwerp 
and some other cities, rejoining the Mallets at 
Brussels. After remaining a few weeks in that city 
she returned home with her niece. Two years later 
she revisited Paris. 

During this journey Miss Sharpe corresponded 
regularly with her cousin and sister-in-law Mrs. 
Samuel Sharpe, and some of her letters have been 
preserved. They are written on the large old- 
fashioned letter paper, in a clear small flowing hand, 
and are admirably expressed. They are good 

I845-] Letter from Paris. 139 

examples of English letter-writing in the days which 
immediately preceded the establishment of Penny 
Postage, and consequently before letter writing 
became one of the lost arts. Two of them con- 
tain glimpses of France under the Constitutional 
Monarchy, and of private friends, which give them 
permanent value. The first is from Paris in 1845. 

Passage de la Madeleine, No. 4. 
August 14th. 
My dear Sarah, 
I hope Emily received a little letter I wrote to her soon 
after my arrival here, giving her some account of her young 
friends. As it was inclosed in another I never feel the same 
security of its arrival at its place of destination as if intrusted 
to the post. This time I must address myself to you and tell 
you how I am going on in this delightful city which seems to 
have the peculiar faculty of invigorating people, to judge by 
Miss Mallet and myself. We are both greatly improved in 
health and strength since our arrival, and able to do a great 
deal more without fatigue. We all go on most comfortably 
together. I have changed my apartment much for the better, 
having now a nice cheerful little room to the front with a view 
of the Place, and the back front of the beautiful Madeleine, 
built after the model of the Parthenon. Being on the entresol, 
I have very little way to go into the street but a long way 
upstairs as the Mallets are au quatri^me. I breakfast and have 
my mornings to myself, when we dine and spend the evenings 
together. They have nice airy rooms being so high and 
having no houses opposite, however there seem symptoms of 
building on the space in front which will shut out all view from 
the house, which will be a sad detriment. Being anxious to 
renew all my previous impressions of Paris, I have by degrees 
been seeing all the objects of interest and curiosity, and Mr. 
Charles Paravey has placed at my disposal his medal as 
Conseiller d'Etat, at sight of which as if by magic every door 
flies open. In short, nothing can exceed the kindness I have 
received from them and all their friends here. I never was 
made so much of in my life. Paris is wonderfully improved 

140 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 

since I was here last, half the city must have been pulled 
down to make room for wide streets, foot pavements, splendid 
shops, excelling ours in size, and this great improvement in 
the city in light and cleanliness from gas and sewers, must act 
upon the character of the inhabitants and give them higher 
feelings of order and propriety. The cleanliness of Paris now 
approaches to London, while it vastly exceeds it in magni- 
ficence. They are laying down most beautiful stone pavement, 
as smooth as wood, but have not yet arrived at the luxury of 
sweeping a crossing, which one should think they soon must 
do as people learn to walk more now they have a trottoir to 
walk upon. 

I do not think the Mallets have the least idea of leaving 
Paris, but expect to spend the winter here. Gustavus is so 
much improved in health and strength since they were here, 
they do not wish to remove him from his present medical 
treatment till they consider him quite cured. He is grown 
tall and stout since Emily and I saw him. ... In the course 
of the next month I hope to pay my Havre friends a visit, 
and mean to take her [Miss S. Mallet] with me and hope to 
get to some of those curious Norman towns, Caen, Bayeux, 
&c. At Rouen we shall stop on our way. The railroad takes 
us so far and then there is a steamer on to Havre. 

A fortnight back Paris was very gay with the fetes of July, 
and we took the opportunity of the Grandes Eaux playing at 
Versailles in consequence, to visit that magnificent place now 
dedicated "k toutes les Gloires de la France" — six miles of 
bad pictures displaying all the events of the Great Nation 
with the trifling omission of the French revolution, not the 
slightest reference to which appears. You have Napoleon's 
battles during the time, and then his entrance into Paris, and 
his coronation. The water works certainly are magnificent, 
but a tremendous storm at the time they were playing, was 
rather more water over-head than was agreeable. We slept 
there a couple of nights, so had time to see everything 

I shall be very glad of a little news from home again, last 
time I had four letters by the same post which I should rather 
had been more equally divided. However, one was from Lucy's 
own pen with a very satisfactory report of herself. ... I wish 
I could hear better accounts of Dan, who does not seem gain- 

i84s] Letters from Abroad. 141 

ing ground. I hope this will find you all well at Highbury, if 
Charlotte is with you give my love to her, she will quite enter 
into my admiration of Paris. I have seen Charlotte Life 
several times. I find her most respectably established here. 
" Madame Life, Professeur de Langue et Littdrature Anglaise,'' 
keeping a day school and giving lessons at three francs an 
hour, her time fully occupied. I am to dine with her some day, 
and she is to have the honour of cooking my dinner, in the 
meantime, remembering my former tastes, she has sent me two 
large plum pies k I'Anglais and was most delighted to see 

I have been often to the Louvre, where there is so much to 
see, it is inexhaustible. Since I was here there are many new 
galleries open ; the Spanish, the Egyptian and Etruscan, the 
gallery of the most exquisite drawings of the Old Masters. I 
find the only way is to take a bit at a time, and even then it is 
a most fatiguing thing, the distance between them is so great 
and they oblige you to come all the way back over their 
slippery floors instead of letting you out at the other end. 

I must now say farewell, my dear Sarah, give my kindest love 
to Sam and the young ones and believe me 

Your affectionate Sister, 
C. Sharpe. 

Charlotte Life, who is mentioned above, had been 
a servant of Miss Sharpe's in earlier days. She was. 
a person of great vivacity and intelligence, and had 
been so much interested in the political and literary 
talk of the brothers and sisters at the dinner table, 
that she had sometimes forgotten to hand the dishes- 
or remove the plates. Miss Sharpe's next letter was 
written during the journey in Normandy of which, 
the above letter speaks. 


October ist. 
My dear Sarah, 
I must write and thank both you and Emily for your 
letters which were very welcome to me, as all news from 

142 Catharine Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 

home always is, and this time it was particularly agreeable as 
giving so favourable an account of Sam, who I trust is too 
good a philosopher to be influenced by any of the minor 
crosses and disappointments of life, and therefore if his usual 
spirits are returned, quite depend upon their lasting. I must 
also congratulate you all upon having got William and Lucy 
for neighbours. I always had a presentiment that house would 
be theirs, and before my return, I expect to find them quite 
settled in it. When that will be, I cannot exactly say, but 
certainly mean to find myself amongst you all again before 
the year is out. . . . 

It is now a month since Sophy and I left Paris ; during 
which time we have seen a great deal, and enjoyed a 
great deal of pleasure. She is a most delightful travelling 
companion, her mind so alive to all that is striking, 
beautiful and interesting. We stayed ten days at Havre 
amongst all our kind friends who received us with open arms, 
and by their unceasing attentions made our visit so happy the 
only painful part was to leave them. We crossed over to 
Trouville, a beautiful little bathing place where the Worsleys 
were staying, and spent a few days there, little expecting to 
see it again ; but we returned there again in our way here in 
consequence of Mrs. Worsley being in great trouble, occasioned 
by one of her maids hanging herself, and she alone with the 
children. So we went over to her, and waited Mr. Worsley's 
arrival, which little delay has set us back in our proceedings ; 
for myself it matters not ; but Sophy is too important a person 
at home to be long spared, and I promised to bring her back 
in a month. 

From Trouville we went back to Lisieux, a most exquisite 
little town, beautifully situated, and picturesque beyond 
description from its primitive and antiquated buildings. 
Modem improvement has not yet begun its work there, 
except with its Cathedral, which they are plaistering all 
over; making every part of the exterior of mouldering 
stone, grey and worn with the lapse of centuries, as white 
and smooth as a stuccoed house ; filling up all the 
delicate tracery, and finely marked capitals of the 15th 
century, and making solid blocks of them. The irretrievable 
mischief that renovation and restoration are now making in 
all these beautiful churches is really beyond belief. Those 

1845-] Letter from Normandy. 143 

may consider themselves happy who have seen them first. 
To the next generation they will be lost. There "is quite a 
mania for restoring churches at present ; go where you will it 
is the same. These fine old towers everywhere covered with 
scaffolding, and that generally foretells the destruction of all 
the interest it possesses. From Lisieux we came on to Caen 
where I am now writing. As a place it disappoints me, 
though I hardly know what I expected. It is situated in a flat 
uninteresting country which does not appear to advantage 
after Lisieux, but is full of interesting objects of antiquity. 
Its Norman churches were built by the Conqueror. The old 
Castle with a splendid view of the town and the various 
grotesque costumes of the Norman peasants are exceedingly 
striking to travellers. We were fortunate in being here at 
the time of the fair, where we saw to perfection the various 
dresses of the peasants with caps not to be credited if not 
seen. They are a remarkably fine handsome people and the 
young women in their smart gay costume are quite worthy 
of admiration. 

One day we went over to Bayeux w^hich possesses 
two great objects of interest — the famous Tapestry and a 
Cathedral curious from containing so many different periods 
of architecture. The crypt below is supposed to be the earliest 
known Cathedral with columns quite perfect, and frescoes of 
the Sth century, and from that period its various parts exhibit 
specimens of all the later styles of architecture. We were 
fortunate in finding a most intelligent man, an Italian brought 
from Italy to restore the wood carvings and who explained the 
whole to us con amore. He had been three years unemployed 
after being sent for because he refused to paint the curious old 
carved pulpit, but he has gained his point, and saved the 
pulpit. From this place we go on to Evreux, and thence to 
Rouen where we shall stay a few days, and in about another 
week shall be back again in Paris ; having laid in an ample 
store of fresh ideas, and new objects for thought, which is 
always desirable as long as faculties are granted us to 
improve, for every new idea is a new source of happiness 
to us. 

Anne Mallet is coming to spend the winter with Mrs. Vowler, 
Sophy could not be spared from her duties at home, as she 
entirely teaches Gustavus. I suppose Anne will set off as soon 

144 Catharine Sharpe, [Ch. vil. 

as any opportunity offers, and if none, then she will wait for 
me. I do not know how she will like the change from the 
life of variety and amusement she is leading at Paris. . . . 
Tell Emily, Sophy has been very busy sketching all the 
beautiful churches we have seen. She sends her kind love 
to you all. Pray give mine to Sam and the young ones and 
believe me, dear Sarah, 

Your affectionate Sister, 
C. Sharpe. 

I have had no news of Charlotte for a long time, is she 
returned to France ? 

The Charlotte Sharpe here spoken of was the elder 
sister of Mrs. Samuel Sharpe. She was a person of 
great originality and force of character. She even- 
tually took up her abode in Cherbourg, where she 
lived for forty-nine years, visiting England every few 
years so long as she was able to travel, and dying in 
1 88 1 at the great age of ninety. 

On Catharine Sharpe's return from these con- 
tinental journeys she settled for the short residue of 
her life in the midst of her London friends. Their 
estimate of her is well expressed in a letter from 
Dr. Boot, an eminent American, to Mr. Sydney 
Brooks, in introducing Mr. William Sharpe, in 1840. 
Dr. Boott says : — " His sister is one of my wife's 
most cherished friends — a lady of rare and striking 
qualities of heart and mind — one who, in the noise- 
less tenor of her way, has brought down the blessings 
of Heaven on an Orphan Brotherhood, left early to 
her sisterly protection, and she is now reaping the 
fruits of a life of devoted charity in the happiness 
and the love of her foster-children, and the respect 
of a large and amiable circle of friends." In this 
deserved affection and respect her days were passed. 

1 834-] Henry Sharpe. 145 

Her interest in the families of her brothers and their 
wives continued to the end. She died after a painful 
illness in 1853, and her eldest surviving brother 
proposed to describe her on her tombstone as, " The 
daughter of Sutton Sharpe and almost mother of 
his younger children.'' No epitaph could be more 
appropriate to her and it has lately been inscribed 
on her grave in Abney Park Cemetery. 

At the time of these journeys she was feeling that 
the work of her life was done. The domestic settle- 
ment of each of her three married brothers had 
given her great cause for satisfaction. They had 
none of them married early. Samuel, as has 
been seen, was twenty-eight, Henry had waited 
till he was thirty-two, and William till he was 
thirty-seven. Henry, who was the second to settle 
in a home of his own, had lived with his sister and 
brothers in New Ormond Street till his marriage. 
He had gone into business with his brother Daniel 
in 1829, and the firm of H. and D. Sharpe, established 
first at Pinners Hall, Broad Street, then at Broad 
Street Buildings and afterwards at 108 Fenchurch 
Street, quickly became one of the leading houses 
in the Portuguese trade. In 1834 he had married 
Miss Eliza Kinder, second daughter of his sister's 
intimate friends Mr. and Mrs. Kinder of Stoke 
Newington and Cheapside.* The marriage gave 
Miss Sharpe the liveliest satisfaction. It was the 
closer union of two families who had now been, for 
the space of nearly a generation, bound together in 
a very close friendship. It was a happy marriage 
in every respect. They settled in Broad Street 

* Chap. III. p. 41. 

146 Henry and William Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 

Buildings, where their first three children were born. 
But the centrifugal tendency which has driven all 
the merchants out of the city and into the suburbs, 
had already begun, and Mr. and Mrs. Henry Sharpe 
and their family removed to Hampstead in the 
spring of 1841. Their pleasant home, in the most 
beautiful of all the London suburbs, speedily became 
a favourite resort of all the brothers. Samuel Sharpe 
records the spending of the first Christmas with 
them in their new home, on the eve of Sutton's fatal 
illness. Of Mr. Henry Sharpe's public and philan- 
thropic work at Hampstead, of his residence there 
for more than thirty years, during which all his 
leisure was devoted to the education and improve- 
ment of the young working men of the town, of 
the affectionate esteem in which he was held by all 
classes, and especially by the poor, who all knew him 
as a constant benefactor and friend, more must be 
said in a later chapter. 

The third and last of the brothers to settle in a 
home of his own was William, the youngest but 
one. He had been established in business as a 
solicitor in 1826* and in 1835 he and his brother- 
in-law Mr. Field had joined Mr. Edgar Taylor and 
Mr. Turner at 41 Bedford Row. Mr. Taylor died 
in 1839 and Mr. Turner soon afterwards, when the 
firm became that of Messrs. Sharpe and Field, and 
is now that of the well-known Parliamentary agents 
and solicitors, Sharpe, Parkers, Pritchard and 
Sharpe. William Sharpe had taken an active 
part in the registration of voters in the City, and 
after the great triumph in 1835 when four Liberals 

* Chap. II. p. 34 and Chap. III. p. 40. 

1 841.] William Sharpe. 147 

headed the poll, the assembled citizens cordially 
recognized by their cheers his share in the work. 
The business had flourished. Mr. Field had singular 
force, courage and capacity, as well as a remarkable 
power of attracting and influencing those with whom 
he came in contact, while Mr. William Sharpe had 
the quiet patience, the power of sympathy, the 
willingness to deal with small details and to see to 
matters of finance and routine, which are essential to 
the success of such a business. Of the esteem in 
which he was held by his clients, many pleasant 
proofs might be given. At the time of his marriage 
in 1 841 he was giving much time to the Anti-Corn 
Law movement, working with Mr. C. Villiers who 
was a personal friend. 

During all these earlier years he lived with his 
sister, and he speaks in one of his letters of "the 
happy home where — through her ability, her intellec- 
tual and kindly attractions," he had seen " so much 
intellectual and sensible society drawn together, and 
where every thing and every person had a tendency 
to raise one or to make one desire to raise oneself" 
His sister speaks of him in equally warm terms. In 
a letter to Mrs. Samuel Sharpe after telling her of 
" the delight it gives me that William has at length. 
fixed upon a wife," and describing the lady of his 
choice, Miss Lucy Reid, and her family in terms of 
the warmest appreciation she adds, " I feel it will be 
a great addition to my happiness to be connected 
with them, though I know not how I am to part 
with William who has been so much to me. But it 
has long been the first wish of my heart to see him 
happily married, and therefore when regret rises in 

L 2 

148 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch.vii. 

my mind, I think of that and am content." He had 
left his sister's home before his marriage and taken a 
house in Woburn Square. Hither he had brought 
his wife and here their first three children were born. 
They moved to i Highbury Terrace in 1845, close 
to their elder brother and his family, who had gone 
from Canonbury to 32 Highbury Place five years 

The youngest brother, Daniel, was never married. 
His tastes were scientific, and though he was as dili- 
gent as his elder brothers in his attention to business, 
he found time for the very successful prosecution of 
the study of Geology. As this chapter has opened 
with an account of the eldest of these brothers, it 
may be well to close it by carrying forward to its 
completion the life of the youngest. There is a 
melancholy parallelism between them. In the 
address delivered at the anniversary meeting of the 
Geological Society of London on the 20th of 
February, 1857, Colonel J. E. Portlock said a few 
words about the death of Dr. Buckland and then 
added — 

The great philosopher whose labours we have endeavoured 
however feebly to notice lived to complete his task and enjoy 
all the honours which were so justly his due ; but we must now 
turn to another, who, taking up the subject of Geology at a 
more advanced stage of its history, was apparently destined to 
carry it much nearer towards ultimate perfection, when a fatal 
accident removed him from amongst us, only a short time after 
the unanimous vote of the Geological Society had placed him 
at its head as President. The gloom which was thus suddenly 
cast over us will never be forgotten, as every one had antici- 
pated a most glorious scientific career for Daniel Sharpe. 

He had joined the Geological Society in 1827, and 

1848-55.] His Geological Studies. 149 

his first active work in the advancement of science 
was the bringing up from Somersetshire in 1828 of a 
slab of stone, at which he worked for some months, 
revealing the skeleton of an Ichthyosaurus, a descrip- 
tion of which he published. In 1835 he went to 
Portugal on business, remaining there till 1838, and 
•^in 1839 and 1840 he read papers to the Geological 
Society on the geological structure of the neighbour- 
hood of Lisbon. In an appendix on the great 
earthquake of 1795 he pointed out the curious fact 
that the shock operated on the tertiary strata only, 
the line of quiescence being the boundary between 
the secondary and tertiary rocks. He next made 
an investigation into the geology of the south of 
Westmoreland, which he described in a paper of 
which Colonel Portlock speaks as bearing striking 
testimony to the great ability of its author. In 
1842 and 1843 he inquired into the age of the Bala 
limestone, and in the next year made important 
observations on the geology of North Wales. In 
1848 he examined the district of Oporto, and dis- 
covered slates which contain several most distinct 
Silurian fossils. This was followed up two years 
later by a paper completing his labours with respect 
to Portugal. In 1854 he read a paper on the 
Structure of Mont Blanc, and in 1855 made what his 
successor in the Chair describes as " a bold attempt 
to determine by the supposed marks left by the sea 
on the sides of the Alps, the age of the last eleva- 
tion of that mighty mountain chain." On the subject 
of Cleavage "the two papers of Mr. Sharpe must 
always be reckoned," says Colonel Portlock, " among 
his most striking contributions to science." Of some 

150 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch. Vll. 

of his other writings the description may best be 
given in Colonel Portlock's own words : — • 

Mr. Sharpe's palceontological papers are of considerable 
interest and value. For a genus of Gasteropodous shells 
abundant in Portugal he proposed (1849) the name of Tylo- 
stoma considering it distinct from Clobichoncha, Natic'a, and 
Phasianella. The genus Nerincea he enriched with six new- 
species ; dividing it into four subgenera — Nerinaa 65 species, 
Nerinella 10, Trochalia 6, Ptygmatis 12, besides eight species 
which he thinks ought to be placed in other genera ; so that 
this genus of fossil Gasteropods is alone supposed to exhibit at 
least 93 species ; — one of the many examples of the extra- 
ordinary multiplication of species in those early ages .... 
Twelve species were found in Portugal, six of which had 
previously been described as cretaceous species, so that Mr. 
Sharpe concluded that the Nerinaa in Portugal or the South 
of Europe are cretaceous fossils whilst in the North they are 

Sir Charles Lyell having submitted to Mr. Sharpe for 
examination the fossils he had collected in North America, the 
result was a very able analytical paper (1848) on the MoUusca 
of the collection, being so far an estimate of the labours of 

the United States Geologists Ope remark of Mr. 

Sharpe's requires especial notice, as being proof — and he gave 
many — of that philosophic spirit which so strongly characterized 
him. " It would be interesting," he says, " to trace out the first 
appearance of each species in many countries, and to see 
whether it is found in one at an earlier period than in another 
country, and thus learn of what region it was originally native'' 
— an inquiry which were it possible to trace out also the extent 
of variation to which species may have been subject from 
gradual alteration of place and circumstances, would assuredly 
be one of the most interesting the geological naturalist could 
follow out. 

Every member of the Society is aware of the zeal and 
industry with which Mr. Sharpe applied himself to the investi- 
gation of fossils, whether collected by himself and to be used 
in illustrating his own papers, or collected by others and merely 
submitted to him for examination in aid of labours not his 
own. In conjunction with Messrs. Bunbury, Salter and Ruper 

1848-55.] Lord Wrottesley on his Work. 151 

Jones he described the fossils collected by Senor Carlos 
Ribiero from the Carboniferous and Silurian rocks of Portugal. 
.... Passing by some minor papers, one of which, however, 
on the sand and gravels of Faringdon, is highly interesting, 
and all of which have their peculiar value, I must pause for a 
moment to record the labour and the scrupulous precision 
with which Mr. Sharpe fulfilled the task which he had under- 
taken for the Palaeontographical Society of describing the 
MoUusca of the Chalk of England. Part 3 of this description 
containing a portion of the Cephalopoda, has been published 
since his lamented death, and has just been placed in my 
hands. It contains the description of 25 Ammonites, 11 Tur- 
rilites and 8 species of the curious body called Aptychus which 
Mr. Sharpe endeavours with great ability to allocate to their 
respective species of Ammonites. 

Colonel Portlock then proceeds to discuss at great 
length the paper on the structure of the Alps — and 
concludes this portion of his address by saying " I 
have thus endeavoured to do justice, though imper- 
fectly, to the labours of Daniel Sharpe, and I will 
only add that his quiet humour, his manly straight- 
forward assertion of truth, and his well-known 
liberality and benevolence endeared him to us as a 
friend, whilst his shrewd discernment, his accurate 
observation, and his extensive knowledge made us 
admire him as a philosopher and geologist." 

A similar testimony was borne by Lord Wrottesley, 
who after enumerating to the members of the Royal 
Society Daniel Sharpe's numerous contributions to 
science concludes with these words — 

Such is a brief outhne of some of the scientific labours of 
Daniel Sharpe, a man whose mind alike powerful, active and 
well cultivated urged him successfully to grasp and make his 
own a wider range of subjects than many geologists dare to 
attempt. Neither should it be forgotten that all the while he 

152 Daniel Sharpe. [Ch. VIL 

was unceasingly engaged in mercantile pursuits, and it was 
only during brief intervals of leisure, when more imperative 
labours were over, that he accomplished what many would 
consider sufficient work for their lives. And it is not in 
Geology alone that he is known and appreciated ; philologists 
and ethnologists equally esteemed him. With marvellous ver- 
satility of talent he grappled with the ancient Lycian inscriptions, 
brought home by Fellows, Forbes and Spratt, and revealed the 
secrets of an unknown tongue written in an unknown character. 
In debate he was clear, keen, severely critical and at times 
sarcastic, occasionally alarming to an opponent unaccustomed 
to his style ; but those who knew him best were well aware 
that an unvarying fund of kindly good-humour lay beneath, 
and that if he hit his adversary hard, no man more than him- 
self rejoiced in a harder blow in return. His private life was 
full of unostentatious benevolence. In conversation with his 
familiars he was intelligent, lively, and quick in perception, and 
his attached friends of the Geological Club, of which he lately 
was President by virtue of his office as head of the Society, will 
long mourn his loss, and miss the quaint humour and quiet 
laugh that so often helped to animate their board. Mr. Sharpe 
was a Fellow of the Linnasan, Zoological, and Geological 
Societies. In 1853 he became Treasurer of the Geological 
Society, and on the retirement of Mr. Hamilton was elected 
its President in 1856. In 1850 he was elected a Fellow of the 
Royal Society. On the 20th of last May, while riding near 
Norwood, he was thrown from his horse, and sustained a 
fracture of the skuU. In a few days he was so far recovered 
as to be able to recognize the relations that were admitted to 
his chamber, and his numerous friends rejoiced in the prospect 
of speedy restoration, but a sudden relapse succeeded, and he 
died on the 31st of May, sorrowed for by all who knew his 




The year 1844 was a critical one in the history of 
the Unitarian body in England and Ireland. The 
long story of the struggle for religious freedom con- 
tains no more interesting or important chapter than 
that which begins with the decision of the Hewley 
case in 1842, and ends with the passing of the Dis- 
senters' Chapels Bill in 1844. The Toleration Act 
of 1689 was an incomplete measure. John Locke, 
who had been working for it for some years, expressed 
his dissatisfaction with it when it appeared, and im- 
mediately wrote his First Letter on Toleration, pub- 
lishing it anonymously in Latin.* The Act excluded 
from its operation the two most ancient forms of the 
Christian faith. The Roman Catholics on the one 
hand and the Anti-Trinitarian Dissenters on the 
other, were omitted from the contemptuous tolerance 
flung to Protestant Nonconformists who were 
willing to submit to a test of orthodoxy. The 
eighth section, which required subscription to 
the doctrines of the Church, would alone have 
excluded those who have always made non-subscrip- 
tion to articles and creeds a chief feature of their 

* Lord King's Life of Locke, v. i, pp. 291, 327. 

154 The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. [Ch. viii. 

organization and fellowship. But this was not 
enough to satisfy the Trinitarian zeal of the time, 
and the seventeenth section especially excluded 
from the benefits of the Act all who in preaching 
and writing denied the doctrine of the Trinity. A 
further Act, passed in 1697, made the denial of the 
Trinity blasphemy. Happily the administration of 
the Toleration Act was much more liberal than the 
Act itself ; and all through the eighteenth century 
the ministers and congregations of the old English 
Presbyterians were able to continue faithful to their 
principle of non-subscription. They refused to make 
a profession of Trinitarian belief a condition either 
of membership of their Churches or of the occu- 
pancy of their pulpits. But Trinitarianism has 
always needed these paper bulwarks. It rests upon 
them. It perishes without them. The waves of free 
discussion speedily undermine its sandy basis. Most 
of the congregations which have been left open to 
theological change have undergone change. They 
have become first Arian and then Unitarian, and 
the progress has been so gradual and so natural 
that it has taken place, as the Kingdom of Heaven 
is to come, "without observation." The fathers 
were orthodox in a moderate sense, the sons, 
sitting in the old pews and keeping up the old 
congregational institutions, became Arian, and the 
grandsons, still occupying their fathers' places, be- 
came Unitarian. 

Notwithstanding this natural and, in the absence of 
limiting creeds, inevitable transition, Unitarian 
opinions continued to be technically illegal all 
through the eighteenth century. Unitarians had 

1845.] The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. 155 

nevertheless gained such general respect for their 
learning, their high character, and the eminent 
literary, scientific and social position of many of 
their ministers and laymen, that nobody thought of 
enforcing the penal laws against their congregations, 
though those laws had been occasionally enforced 
against individuals. Mr. Emlyn, for example, had 
been tried in Dublin in 1703, Whiston had been 
deprived of his professorship at Cambridge in 
1 7 10, and Mr. Evanson had been prosecuted for 
heresy in 1773. Later in the century Dr. Priestley 
had been persecuted in Birmingham, but it was 
rather as a sympathiser with political freedom 
abroad than as a heretic at home, and his chapel, 
called the New Meeting, which was destroyed by 
the Church and King mob in 1791, was rebuilt by 
a Parliamentary grant of ;^2,ooo and a private sub- 
scription of another ;^ 1,000 in 1802. In 1813 Mr. 
William Smith, the eminent Unitarian who repre- 
sented Norwich in the House of Commons, got an 
Act passed repealing the Act of 1697 which made 
Unitarianism blasphemy, and the eighth and seven- 
teenth clauses of the Toleration Act. Unitarian 
teaching was thus made legal and the benefits of the 
Toleration Act were extended to Unitarian worship. 
In 1817 a dispute arose respecting the occupancy of 
the pulpit of a chapel at Wolverhampton. This 
chapel had been Unitarian for many years. It had 
schools which Unitarians had built, and the majority 
of its Trustees and supporters were Unitarians. 
But an orthodox minority contended that they had 
a right to the chapel and its endowments, because, 
at the time it was founded, the preaching of Unitarian 

156 The Hewley Case. [Ch. viil. 

doctrines was illegal. Lord Eldon decided that this 
contention was correct, and that all trusts for religious 
purposes must, be regarded as being in favour of 
religious opinions the preaching of which was lawful 
at the time when the trust was made. It followed 
from this decision that every building erected and 
every endowment created before 18 13, even though, 
like Essex Street Chapel, it had been expressly 
built for Unitarian purposes, was to be held in law 
to have been Trinitarian. The case was carried to a 
higher court, and remained in abeyance till 1835, 
when Lord Eldon's view was confirmed. It was 
finally decided in Lord Eldon's sense after the 
judgment of the House of Lords in the case of 
Lady Hewley's charities in 1842. 

The Hewley case was much the same in principle 
as that of the Wolverhampton chapel. "In the 
Lady Hewley case it was held by the Judges and 
ruled by the Lords that without any inquiry into the 
fact and even in direct contradiction of the known 
fact, the law would assume that no endowment 
could possibly have been intended in favour of a 
form of worship which the law did not tolerate at 
the time of the endowment, and that this original 
defect was not cured by any subsequent legalisation 
of the same form of worship."* It followed from 
this authoritative exposition of the law, that the 
clauses in the Toleration Act which were directed 
against Anti-Trinitarian opinions had a kind of 
posthumous effect. Their full force had only been 
discovered after they were repealed. The legislature 

* Introduction to " Parliamentary Debates on the Dissenters* 
Chapels Bill." 

1 845-] Debates in Parliament. 157 

had expressly intended to legalise the preaching and 
worship of Unitarians, in passing, without a division, 
Mr. William Smith's Act in 1813 ; but it was now 
found that though their worship had been legalised, 
their buildings and endowments might be taken away 
from them. The Unitarians at once formed a Com- 
mittee, and put their case before the Government. 
The hardship of the position was recognized and 
relief promised. A Bill was introduced by the 
Lord Chancellor in the House of Lords and into 
the House of Commons by the Attorney-General. 
It had the cordial support of the leaders on both 
sides in both Houses. All the Law Lords were in 
its favour, and Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham 
and Lord Campbell spoke in the debates. The 
only division taken in the Lords was on the third 
reading which was carried by 44 against 9. 

In the House of Commons the Bill was opposed 
at every stage. The Congregational Union and the 
Wesleyan Conference petitioned against it. An 
anti-Unitarian agitation was got up. "There is a 
cry against Unitarians through this country," said 
Mr. R. L. Shiel in an eloquent speech in favour of 
the Bill. " At one time you did not pursue a 
Unitarian when you had a Papist for your game, 
but now the sport is capital if a Socinian is to be 
hunted down." The prospects of litigation for the 
confiscation of the property of Unitarians to 
orthodox purposes, proved too tempting for Divines, 
and statesmen had to step in and teach them 
morals. Mr. Shiel described it as "litigation in 
which controversy and chicane are combined — in 
which the mysteries of Calvinism are rendered 

158 The Dissenters' Chapels Bill. [Ch. vill. 

darker by the mystifications of jurisprudence, and 
in which the enthusiasm of orthodox solicitors is 
associated with the rapacity of orthodox Divines." 
Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, told the House 
of Commons that he and his colleagues entertained 
so strong a belief of the justice of the principles on 
which the Bill was founded, that they were prepared 
to make every other consideration subordinate to 
the fulfilment of the duty of supporting it. Lord 
John Russell said, " I must say I was never 
more convinced that a Bill was necessary for the 
purpose of doing justice to a class of our fellow- 
subjects." Mr. Gladstone wound up a long and 
powerful speech by saying, " Our religious belief 
should guide us in this as in other acts. But I 
contend that the best use you can make of your 
religious belief is to apply it to the decisive perfor- 
mance of a great and important act — an act which 
whether the consequences to arise from it may be 
convenient or inconvenient (and I believe the balance 
will be found to be greatly on the side of con- 
venience, but that is the second question, not the 
first, now before us) I hope I have in some measure 
proved to be founded on the permanent principles 
of truth and justice." Mr. Macaulay spoke in the 
same sense, and the second reading of the Bill, 
which had the cordial support of the late Lord 
Harrowby, then Lord Sandon, was carried by 309 
against 119. On the third reading the votes were 
203 for, to 83 against. On its return to the Lords 
as amended in the Commons there was another 
great debate, but on the Lord Chancellor's motion 
"that this Bill do now pass" the votes were 202 

1 845-] Success of the Measure. 159 

against 41. By these great majorities did the two 
Houses of Parliament withstand and rebuke an 
agitation which originated in theological intolerance 
and was sustained by a complete public ignorance 
of the facts of the case. 

In Samuel Sharpe's Diary he records in April 
1844 the signing of a petition in favour of the Bill 
" as fifth in descent of a race of attenders at public 
worship" at Newington Green Chapel. They 
were, — 

1. Samuel Harris, an East India Merchant, who probably 
was one of the Founders. 

2. Daniel Radford who married his daughter Mary. He 
left ^100 to it by will. 

3. Thomas Rogers who married his (Daniel Radford's) 
daughter Mary, in whose time the Copyhold was bought 
and my uncle Samuel made first Trustee. 

4. My mother,* who attended there till her marriage. 

5. Myself, who joined the Congregation in about 1830. 

6. My children, three of whom teach in the SHinday 

This petition, shewing, as it does, the direct des- 
cent of existing worshippers in this Chapel from its 
original founders, is an illustration of the hereditary 
character of many of these Congregations. Scores 
of such petitions were presented to both Houses of 
Parliament in favour of the measure. Samuel Sharpe 
puts on record his regret that though he took much 
interest in the Bill, he was little able to help its pro- 
moters, because of his forced attention to business. 

* Chap. I, p. 15. She was daughter of the Thomas Rogers 
named just before. 

l6o University Hall. [Ch. Vlll. 

He found time however to promote petitions and 
attend meetings, and in July 1844 we find him 
moving a resolution at a congratulatory meeting of 
the General Committee of the Presbyterian Union, 
declaring the especial gratification they felt " to 
witness the support given by several distinguished 
members of the Episcopal bench to an application 
of the principles of religious liberty, more imme- 
diately in favour of men whose opinions they neces- 
sarily view with peculiar disapprobation." The 
Bishops who supported the measure were Maltby of 
Durham, Stanley of Norwich, Musgrave of Hereford, 
Thirlwall of St. Davids, and Pepys of Worcester. 

The Unitarians justly regarded the passing of the 
Bill as a new triumph of the principle of religious 
freedom, and determined to celebrate it in a prac- 
tical way. Mr. Sharpe could not agree with them 
in the form they gave the memorial. Speaking of 
the Bill he says : — 

When it was passed my friends, the promoters, built 
University Hall, Gordon Square, as a memorial. I 
declined to join them because they made the educational 
part of the scheme secondary to the board and lodging. 
From the after results I was never sorry that I held aloof. 

University Hall, Gordon Square, was intended to 
be a place of residence for Unitarians and others who 
were receiving their education at University College. 
Some years later when Manchester New College 
was removed to London, its library was established 
and its classes were held in the building. The 
passing of the University Tests Act, opening Oxford 
and Cambridge to those who cannot conscientiously 
sign the thirty-nine articles, rendered such a Hall 

1 844] The Syro-Egyptian Society. i6i 

■of Residence no longer needful. Most of those to 
whom it might have been useful had the sectarian- 
ism of the Universities been kept up, now go to the 
old seats of learning. The building has therefore 
been handed over to Manchester New College as a 
place of residence for its students. 

Samuel Sharpe's literary activity during these 
years is best described in his own words : — 

In 1844, I received a letter from Mr. Birch of the 
British Museum, inviting me to join a new Syro-Egyptian 
Society, to which I unwillingly though immediately gave 
my consent. I had no great love for Societies, or faith in 
their usefulness. I wished each student to rely more upon 
his own energies. I thought that many even were rather 
hindered than helped in their studies by them, and often 
lost their self-reliance while waiting for the encouragement 
and help of their fellows. I had long left oif attending 
the meetings of the Geological Society of which I had 
been a member above twenty years. I had also dropped 
the meetings of the Numismatic Society, which I had 
more lately joined, and which was more in agreement with 
my present antiquarian pursuits. I had resolved to join 
no more societies as they took me away from a happy 
home and broke in upon my studies. I made, however, a 
prophetic reserve in favour of an Egyptian Society which 
I thought would one day or other be proposed by some- 
body, and accordingly, when it was proposed I felt that my 
own attention to Egyptian studies was too well known to 
allow me to decline joining. I found that the society was 
not altogether in good hands. The best men refused to 
join it, and Mr. Birch himself withdrew from it. I have, 
however, continued to attend its meetings and with not a 
little profit. I met many Egyptian travellers there, and 
heard what was being done by discoverers on the banks of 
the Nile ; and I learned yet more by endeavouring from 


1 62 Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. viii. 

time to time to explain to the Society my own views on 
hieroglyphics and chronology. We began a series of 
Egyptian inscriptions, but it did not go beyond six plates. 
I preferred publishing such inscriptions at my own expense, 
to being encumbered by the help of the Society and its 
Secretary. We also printed two small volumes of Original 
Papers, to each of which I was a contributor ; but I did 
not feel proud of the volumes, and our poverty and dis- 
cretion together checked further pubUcations. I was 
enabled however by this Society to improve or to gain 
the acquaintance of several valuable scholars and travellers, 
more particularly of Dr. Lee and my excellent friend Mr. 

The friendship thus formed lasted till the end of 
Mr. Bonomi's life. This Egyptian traveller, artist, 
and sculptor was one of the gentlest and most 
genial of men. He was a little older than Samuel 
Sharpe, having been born in 1796 ; but his manner 
and his looks were youthful, and his merry laugh, 
his love of fun, his quaint stories from the Talmud, 
his Italian proverbs, and his artistic knowledge and 
enthusiasm, made the family regard him with more 
than common affection. He had studied sculpture, 
had taken a course of anatomy under Sir Charles 
Bell, and had gained the silver medal of the Royal 
Academy for perspective. He went to Rome to 
study art in 1822, and from thence to Syria and 
Egypt. In Egypt he spent fifteen years, and was 
the first to point out tlie monument which according 
to Herodotus was set up by Sesostris on the Syrian 
coast to commemorate his victories. Much benefit 
to both came from the intimate and prolonged 
friendship of the travelled and untravelled Egyptian 
scholars. Samuel Sharpe regarded his friend as an 

1 844-] Mr. Bonomi. 163 

almost unique example of the union of uncommon 
attainments with unusual modesty. His visits were 
looked forward to with enthusiasm and looked back 
upon with delight. Mr. Bonomi was equally welcomed 
by young and old. He would go and stay in the 
house, setting the young people to some artistic 
work, such as making casts of hands, or giving them 
lessons in perspective by a series of charming 
drawings, and leaving the house rich with his own 
masterly and rapidly executed pencil-sketches. At 
other times he would plan with their father some 
new paper on Egypt or Nineveh. He wrote on 
" Nineveh and its Palaces " before Sir Henry Layard 
went to the. mound at Nimroud, and in a Volume 
of Photographs entitled "Egypt, Nubia and 
Ethiopia" he sketched the wood engravings while 
Samuel Sharpe ' wrote the Notes. The account of 
the sarcophagus of Oimenepthah they published 

This close association in literary work grew up in 
after years out of the friendship now begun. At 
present other matters occupied the author of the 
" History of Egypt." His Egyptian studies were con- 
tinued through the whole of the years covered by 
the last two Chapters ; but they did not at present 
lead to any new work. The only publication of the 
year 1844 was the second edition of his New Testa- 
ment of which his own account is all that need be 

It was now four years since I had printed my transla- 
tion of the New Testament, and as I had spared no pains 
to find out its faults and correct them, I was impatient to 
print again. I made no change in my plan, which was to 

M 2 

164 The Bank Robbery. [Ch. Vlll. 

keep to the Authorised Version and to aim at antiquarian 
exactness rather than what might be more pleasing to an 
idle ear. I sold off what was left of the first edition to a 
dealer in remainders and printed the second edition in the 
summer of 1844. To a careful writer a second edition is 
a great comfort ; it enables him to correct his faults of 
hastiness. I thought my translation was now worthy of 
notice. I therefore printed a thousand copies and pub- 
lished them at the cost price. 

The autumn of 1 844 was however not favourable 
to his attention either to public matters or to private 
studies. The times were difficult for men of business, 
and the banking firm of Rogers, Olding, Sharpe and 
Boycott, had their own peculiar anxiety. One 
Monday morning in November 1844, when the 
acting partners went down to business at the 
usual hour, they were confronted with what at 
the first glance must have looked like a threat of 
ruin. When the great iron safe, in which all the 
valuables of the Bank were kept, was opened, it 
was found to be empty. When it was closed on 
Saturday night it had contained more than ;^40,ooo 
in bank notes, over ^^ 1,000 in gold, and ;^s,ooo in 
Bills of Exchange. The safe had been opened some 
time in the course of Sunday with one of its own 
keys, the whole of the money and bills taken out 
and the iron door closed again. The iron safe was in 
an inner office and was meant never to be left un- 
guarded. One of the partners lived on the premises, 
and one of the clerks was always supposed to be in 
the bank, day and night. On Sunday the 24th of 
November the day clerk asked permission to go out 
for a few hours, and as one of his employers was on 

1844.] The Bank Robbery. 165 

the premises the leave was given. It was thought 
that, during his absence, the robbery was effected by- 
some persons who had been helped and warned by a 
dishonest servant. 

The thieves were prevented from profiting by 
their immense booty, by the admirable promptitude 
with which the matter was followed up. It was a 
race between the owners of the notes and the 
robbers, which should be first in reaching foreign 
banks. The thieves had the start ; but so promptly 
were the numbers and dates of the stolen notes 
communicated to home and continental bankers, 
that the thieves were unable to make use of them. 
Their promptitude was shown in the fact that a 
single note, which in the haste had been omitted 
from the list, was instantly cashed at the Bank of 
England before the firm had discovered the omission. 
Two months after the robbery the Bank of England 
repaid to Messrs. Rogers & Co. the value of the 
stolen paper, £ap,j\o, upon the usual guarantee of 
indemnity in case the notes should ever be presented 
for payment. In the end the actual loss was small, 
but until the notes had been recovered and cancelled 
at the Bank of England a constant source of anxiety 
remained. A reward of ;£'3,ooo was first offered. 
This failing, it was reduced to ;^2,500 ; and at the end 
of about two years, just after notice had been given 
that, on a day named, it would be further reduced 
to ;£'2,ooo, the notes were got back and the ;£'2,Soo 
was paid. 

This anxious time was not without its alleviations. 
Friends and neighbours at home and in the City 
flocked in with offers of money. Samuel Sharpe 

1 66 The Bank Robbery. [Ch. vili. 

was much touched with the kindness and confidence 
thus manifested, but he declined the proferred help, 
as only adding to the responsibility put on him by 
the disaster. Mr. Rogers put down his carriage, 
and the household at Highbury Place sent away a 
servant and dropped all needless expenses. These 
had been very few indeed, for Samuel Sharpe had 
always brought up his family to consider that 
habits of economy were as good as wealth. Friends 
had often told him that he lived far too quietly 
and inexpensively for a London banker. But he 
had quite other thoughts on the subject and knew 
his own circumstances best. He was carrying on a 
good business, with the help of partners, for a rich 
uncle. He had brought in no capital of his own and 
only possessed what he was able to lay by from 
year to year. No man in his senses could fail to 
think of the time when the rich uncle would die, and 
his capital be withdrawn from the business, to be 
divided' between his nephews and nieces. For this 
inevitable event the nephew had always prepared by 
adding to his share of the capital, and each incom- 
ing partner did the same. As it happened, Mr. 
Rogers lived on to the unusual age of ninety-three, 
so that long before his death the partners were well 
prepared to go on by themselves. 

There is no reference to this robbery in the Diary. 
In his autobiographical sketch he merely says that 
his studies were sadly interrupted, because for many 
months the cares of the day were so severe as to 
leave his mind very little at leisure in the evening. 
But he was not idle. His literary work went 
on, and 1845 brought a crisis of some interest in 

1846.] The " History of Egypt." 167 

the history of his authorship. Of this period he 
writes : — 

I endeavoured to drive away less pleasant thoughts by- 
attention to my three histories. The first I entirely re- 
wrote. It had been an antiquarian inquiry ; I now cast it 
into the same form as the second and third and added to 
it the materials which seven years of study had enabled 
me to collect. I paid still further attention to neatness 
and correctness in writing, always reading my sentences 
aloud to my wife and daughters to try how far they were 
easy to be understood. I ventured more than I had done 
before to add an opinion on the events as they occur, and 
thereby to give a more moral and personal tone to the 
whole. Such is the variety of subjects contained in a 
volume of history that in writing about Egypt I was able 
to give utterance to every opinion that I held in religion, 
politics or literature, and as I read the whole of it aloud 
to my children, I was agreeably kept in remembrance of 
what ought to be a writer's aim, to make his readers better 
as well as wiser. At this time of difficulty in business I 
did not feel rich enough to indulge myself as before in 
the expensive amusement of printing ; what I had hitherto 
pubhshed had not brought me back one half of the outlay. 
But fortunately Mr. M^xon, the publisher, began to think 
well of my books, and he proposed that I should unite 
the three into one complete History of Egypt, and he 
offered to publish it on joint account. This offer I gladly 
accepted. I needed no delay. While always adding to 
my book and endeavouring to improve it, I had always 
kept the Manuscript in a state ready for the printer. In 
the beginning of 1846 I therefore published a second 
edition of my three histories in one volume, under the 
title of " The History of Egypt from the Earliest Times 
till the conquest by the Arabs a. p. 640." 

Though this work was a reproduction of three 


i68 The "Edinburgh" on the History. [Ch. vill. 

previous works and was therefore a second edition, 
it was practically a new book. It was more popular 
in form and treatment. It had been made more 
readable in every respect, and it speedily attained 
some success and distinction. It gained for its 
author that general and popular recognition which, 
had not been given to his earlier writings, or to the 
same work in its previous shape. The former works 
had been for students, this was for the public. They 
had attracted the attention of Egyptian scholars ; 
this received general notice. It did not take the 
popular view of Egyptian chronology. It differed 
as to the length of the earlier periods of the Egyp- 
tian history from all the other authorities, from 
Lepsius and Bunsen, from Wilkinson and Birch. It 
took the strictly independent view which charac- 
terised its author in all his works. It was favourably 
noticed in the Edinburgh Review, then under the 
able editorship of Mr. Empson. In those days the 
great Quarterlies were the arbiters of the literary 
fate of authors. Their notice was fame, their 
approving nod was supposed to confer immortality. 
The Edinburgh article was written by Mr. Donne 
and gave Mr. Sharpe great satisfaction. It did not 
deal with the disputed questions of Egyptian anti- 
quity, but almost confined itself to the parts of his 
history which deal with Alexandrian life and litera- 
ture. It contained a cordial recognition of his 
special merits as a historian, and of the established 
position he had gained by the publication of the 
"History of Egypt." There is a further sign of 
the estimation in which Samuel Sharpe was now 
held among literary men in an entry in Crabb 

1846.] Other Egyptian Writings. 169 

Robinson's Diary dated on the day after Christmas 
Day, 1846. 

Yesterday passed very agreeably. My breakfast went off 
very well, though the omelette which my niece advised me to 
have was a failure. IhsAz.partie quarrSe. To meet Donald- 
son, I had Sir Charles Fellows, the traveller, and Samuel 
Sharpe the historian of Egypt. Fellows and I modestly 
retreated and left the field to the two scholars. 

The literary work of the next few years grew out 
of the increased recognition of his large knowledge 
of Egyptian history and his mode of dealing with 
the questions suggested by the chronology and 
antiquities. It may best be described in his own 
words : 

Among other travellers my Egyptian writings introduced 
me to Mr. Bartlett who had then lately returned from 
Jerusalem and Petra, and in the autumn of 1848 when he 
printed his " Forty Days in the Desert " he accepted from 
me a short chapter on " The Land of Goshen and the 
Jews' March out of Egypt." I had before written on this 
geographical subject in the Christian Reformer and then in 
my History of Egypt. This paper therefore in Mr. Bart- 
lett's book contained my views, as corrected a second 
time, respecting the changes in the head of the Red Sea, 
and on the place where the Israelites crossed. It gained 
some attention, particularly in the Athenceum. where Pro- 
fessor Airy under the signature of A.B.G. and Miss Fanny 
Corbeaux wrote in its favour. In the following years I 
gave to Mr. Bartlett for his "Nile Boat" a sketch of 
Egyptian History, and for his " Overland Route " an 
account of the Shipwreck of the Apostle Paul, and the 
Historian Josephus, who, I argued, sailed from Cesaraea 
to Italy in the same ship. For his " Jerusalem Revisited " 
I gave him a paper on the Plan of the Temple at Jeru- 

1 70 Work with Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. viii. 

While busy on the History of Ancient Egypt I also 
compiled a map of the country. This I did by making 
a tracing from the French survey identifying the ruins 
which are marked therein, and then adding the other towns 
and the Names from Ptolemy's Geography and the 
Itinerary of Antoninus. This map I offered to Mr. Wyld 
for publication, but he declined it saying there was no 
sale for ancient maps. Mr. Bonomi, however, litho- 
graphed it and pubHshed it on his own account and I 
believe was tolerably successful in selling it. To lessen 
the expense to him my daughters coloured the whole 
edition. I had the pleasure of seeing two copies, stretched 
and varnished hanging up in the private rooms of the 
British Museum. That part of the map which embraces 
the route of the Israelites from the Nile to the Red Sea 
had before been copied by Mr. Hughes, the engraver for 
Mr. Bartlett's " Forty Days in the Desert." Mr. Hughes 
was a good Geographer and he thoroughly approved of 
my plan for the Land of Goshen. He was much employed 
in engraving maps for school atlases and religious publica- 
tions, and for these he always copied it and soon made it 
well-known. ' 

Encouraged by the success of the map, Mr. Bonomi 
then undertook to lithograph and publish the hieroglyphi- 
cal names of the Egyptian Kings, which I had arranged 
in the order of their succession. To this list I added the 
map of Egypt, the plan of Thebes, the site of ancient 
Memphis, the plan of ancient Alexandria, and a few 
pages of letterpress. It was published in 1849 under the 
title of "The Chronology and Geography of Ancient 
Egypt." We afterwards added to it a page of alphabet by 
which the King's names could be read. In this also my 
daughters coloured the maps and Mr. Bonomi was success- 
ful in selling copies enough to repay himself the cost of 
the publication and for his own trouble as lithographer. 

In the same year, 1849, Samuel Sharpe gave to 

1 849-] Greek Translation. 171 

the Philological Society the Greek " Fragments of 
Orations in Accusation and Defence of Demos- 
thenes respecting the money of Harpalus," with a 
translation. These fragments had been traced by 
Mr. A. C. Harris of Alexandria from a papyrus in 
his possession. They were afterwards reprinted by 
Mr. Churchill Babington and yet later the remainder 
of the fragments were published. 




Perhaps the most interesting records which a man 
can leave behind him are those which detail his 
intercourse with eminent persons whom he has 
met. Nothing makes a biography so popular as 
such gossip, but it presupposes Jn the subject of the 
biography a gossiping spirit. A man who can sit 
down at night and place on record the stories he has 
heard, the repartees he has enjoyed, the conversa- 
tions in which he has taken part, must possess an 
overweening sense of his own importance, or a love 
of work for which no other satisfaction is found, or a 
fondness for dwelling on the past, for the indulgence 
of which he is willing to undertake constant toil. 
Such a man is likely to become a mere social Auto- 
lycus, a snapper-up of unconsidered trifles of talk. 
Society would become impossible if such note-takers 
as the late Bishop Wilberforce were general, and their 
note-books were given to the world. There is no 
temptation to the biographer of Samuel Sharpe to 
make indiscreet revelations. Though many distin- 
guished scholars and travellers constantly found their 
way to Highbury Place, and though at the houses of 

1 843-7-] Mr. Maltby. 173 

Mr. and Miss Rogers, of his own brothers, and of 
such friends as Crabb Robinson, he often met eminent 
and interesting persons, he has not left much on 
record concerning them. Some of the entries which 
relate to Mr. Rogers's breakfast parties have already 
been given. There are a few others in the Diary of 
later years, some of which tell stories which are 
already familiar to the public, but which are worth 

Here are glimpses of a man whom the present 
generation has almost forgotten, but who was well- 
known in literary society during the last fifteen 
years of the previous century and the first forty 
years of this : — 

August 25, 1843. — I called on Mr. Maltby at the London 
Institution and walked for two hours with him. He has 
lost the use of one eye, but is as cheerful and full of con- 
versation as ever, quoting books of note and talking about 
men of note. 

1847. December 7. — After examining references in the 
London Institution, I called on Mr. Maltby. He was so 
blind that he had to ask who I was. He showed me a 
letter from Sydney Smith thanking a friend for a pheasant. 
"Barn-door fowls," he says, are "good enough for Dis- 
senters, but for a real clergyman, a thirty-nine articled 
clerk, the true thing is a pheasant." Mr. Maltby told me 
of his being steward to the Revolution dinner in 1792, 
when he restrained the rashness of the toasts. 

Mr. Maltby had been for many years one of Samuel 
Sharpe's fastest friends, to whom he had looked up 
as a young man looks up to an elder. Mr. Maltby 
had been the early friend and schoolfellow of Mr. 
Rogers. Maltby and Rogers when young men had 

1 74 Mr. Maltby. [Ch. ix. 

so great an admiration for Dr. Johnson that they 
proposed calling on him. They went together to 
the great man's door, and one of them had his 
hand on the knocker when their courage failed 
them and they turned away. Mr. Maltby had 
retired from active duty in 1834, but continued to 
live at the London Institution till his death, in his 
ninetieth year, in 1854. His manner in his old age was 
quiet and reserved, and in his visits to the house of 
his friend he loved to sit in the arm-chair with his 
eyes shaded from the light, and to be appealed to by 
a younger generation. His reading had been very 
extensive, and his recollection of what he had read 
was singularly vivid and fresh. If a question arose as 
to the actual terms of a quotation, or where it was 
to be found, everybody said, "Ask Mr. Maltby." 
He had succeeded Porson in 1809 as Librarian to 
the London Institution, and Samuel Sharpe had seen 
much of him there in the early days when he was 
frequently a reader in its library. The friendship of 
Mr. Maltby for the young student's relations led 
to a friendship with the student himself, which lasted 
till the close of Mr. Maltby's life. 

The next entries record recollections of Samuel 
Sharpe's visits to Rogers, and the first of them 
contains one more illustration of the goodness of 
heart of a man of whom Carlyle spoke with the 
prejudice born of his own inability to appreciate 
social qualities, and with the ignorance of mere 
superficial observation : — 

February 8, 1844. — My uncle Sam complained that Dr. 
Howley, the Archbishop, had used him very unhand- 
somely. The Archbishop had consulted him about filling 

1 844-] Rogers's Breakfasts. 175 

up a vacancy in the Museum. My uncle had recom- 
mended Gary, but had also mentioned Gary having 
twice lost the use of his faculties through domestic afflic- 
tion. The Archbishop weakly told this to Gary as his 
reason for appointing Panizzi. On this Cafy quarrelled 
with him ; but my uncle had the satisfaction of getting him 
a pension of ;^2oo a year from Lord Melbourne, the week 
before the Whigs went out of office (in 1841). Peel would 
certainly have given it if not done before. This Melbourne 

July 4. — I spoke to my uncle Sam of Gampbell's funeral 
yesterday in Poet's Gorner, and of his not being there. 
He said, " I did not attend your uncle Henry's nor your 
brother Sutton's, and so, of course, I did not go to Gamp- 
bell's. Besides, I did not want to be elbowed by Lords 
who never did anything for him when alive. Remember, 
Sam, you are my executor, I am to be buried in Hornsey 
Churchyard. Let no consideration whatever induce you 
to bury me in that place (Westminster Abbey). Those 
men attended to honour themselves, not to honour Gamp- 
bell, but to catch some reflected glory from him. I have 
explained that sentiment in one of my notes when speak- 
ing of Kings and Gardinals following Petrarch to the 

October 20. — My uncle again spoke of the folly of bury- 
ing Gampbell in Westminster Abbey, and praised Pope for 
refusing to be buried there. He thought the sentiment of 
seeing the poet's tomb in the Village Churchyard so much 
more valuable than seeing it among a crowd of vain candi- 
dates for fame in Poet's Gorner. 

This idea seems to have possessed Mr. Rogers, 
and he w^as determined to press it upon his nephew 
and executor. Two years after the above entry in 
the Diary is another in the same sense. In the next 
year there is nothing till almost the close : — 

1 76 Rogers s Advice. [Ch. ix. 

1847. December 7. — In the evening Mr. Crabb Robin- 
son came. He had been reviewing " Happy Ignorance," 
which he thought not to be by Archbishop Whateley. 
We called together on Mr. Madge, who thought it was. 
Mr. Madge thought the new "History of the Hebrew 
Monarchy" was by Mr. Newman. He thought it dull. 
" Happy Ignorance" concedes to the Unitarians all they 

ask. Dr. of Manchester has just left ;^so,ooo to 

University College. 

December 12. — Breakfasted in St. James's Place. Mr. 
Spedding thinks in an impartial life Bacon will stand much 
better than in Macaulay's review. 

My uncle spoke of the aristocracy with contempt, and 
quoted his father's saying — " Never go near them, Sam.'' 
He had not followed this advice, but acknowledged its 

The nephew, however, acted on this principle, and 
believed in its wisdom. No man was more anxious 
for the society of men of learning and genius. 
Travellers, writers, artists, antiquarians, biblical 
students, men of science, politicians, preachers ; all 
who had any personal characteristics which made 
them worth knowing were always welcome at High- 
bury Place. But for men whose only distinction 
is a title, as for people whose social position is 
decided, not by any qualities of their own, but solely 
by the part of London in which they live, he had 
the scorn which every self-respecting person feels. 
Even for friends who drifted off westward to be in 
the fashion he had but little toleration. Like all 
men whose names become honourably known, he had 
opportunities of meeting many well-known persons, 
but he embraced only those which brought him 
into pleasant intercourse with men who had some- 

1847-8.] Breakfasts with Rogers. 177 

thing more than " but the guinea's stamp," as Bums 
calls it, of rank or fortune. The next note in the 
Diary illustrates this choice : — 

1847. December 22. — Breakfasted at St. James's Place ; 
Mr. Dyce, Mitford, Harness, Spedding, Gould, Dr. Hen- 
derson. Harness was against Dr. Hampden, everybody 
else seemed against the Bishops. Mr. Dyce was alarmed 
at the news of some more going to be published from 
Gray's note-books. He said his scholarship was much 
over-rated. Nothing can equal the pleasure of these con- 
versations. Dyce, Mitford (nephew of the historian), and 
Spedding are simple, unaffected men, learned, full of 
conversation and literature. Dyce and Mitford are very 
little of clergymen. Harness more so. 

Samuel Sharpe himself contributed much to 
these conversations. 'Crabb Robinson records one 
of these breakfasts about this time : — 

Oct. 9, 1848. — I went out early and breakfasted with Rogers ; 
a small and agreeable party, only Samuel Sharpe, Harness and 
sister, and Lord Glenelg. Samuel Sharpe said but little, but 
what he said was very good. The recent conviction of Smith 
O'Brien was a matter of doubt, but most thought an execution 
necessary, though Samuel Sharpe thought it would lead to 
murders of landlords. 

The following recollections of the same conversa- 
tion by Mr. Sharpe and Mr. H. Crabb Robinson 
show a conflict of evidence : — 

28th. — S. R. quoted Home Tooke telling his brother, 
" You rise by your gravity, and I sink by my levity." He 
(or Sydney Smith) said in his illness his thoughts had been 
wandering between the nine Articles and the thirty-nine 
Muses, and he did not know which was which. 


178 Table Talk at Rogers's. [Ch. ix. 

There is a similar record in Crabb Robinson's 
Diary : — 

Aug. 28, 1849. — Breakfasted with Rogers. A small, agree- 
able party. Luttrell, Dyce, Samuel Sharpe, and Moxon, all in 
good humour. To-day or about this time Rogers told us that 
Sydney Smith said to his eldest brother, " Brother, you and I 
are exceptions to the law of nature ; you have risen by your 
gravity, I have sunk by my levity." 

There is no doubt that Crabb Robinson is wrong 
and Sharpe is right. Rogers tells the story himself 
in his " Recollections " of Home Tooke. Crabb 
Robinson's is the common version, but Thomas 
Moore attributes the saying, on the authority of 
Mr. Shiel, to an Irish Barrister, Keller, in address- 
ing a judge. Keller was Moore's godfather. Mr. 
William Sharpe, in a note to Rogers's " Recollec- 
tions," points out that Rogers's record must have 
been earlier in date than Moore's. 

The following notes of conversations at the Tues- 
day breakfasts are interesting, as supplementing 
those in Mr. Dyce's volume of Rogers's " Table 
Talk," and in a few cases giving a somewhat dif- 
ferent version of a familiar story. 

30th. — S. R. quoted Home Tooke saying that the 
Reformation had rejected Purgatory and kept Hell. Mr. 
Donaldson praised Miiller's books which he was trans- 
lating. S. R. praised D'Aubign^'s "Reformation" as a 
sober, well-written book. Donaldson, on the other hand, 
did not like its Genevan religious views, and praised Ranke 
as more impartial. 

The following epigram on two persons now for- 
gotten caused much amusement when it was written. 
Miss Seward and William Hayley were contem- 

1847-8.] Mitford ; Lord Brougham. 179 

porary poets, much admired at the close of the 
last century and the first years of this. When 
Rogers published his first poem he was much 
gratified by Hayley's praise. Rogers remarked 
about Hayley in later years that he was formerly 
over-rated, but was latterly under-valued. 

Miss Seward : Ode didactic, epic, sonnet, 
Mr. Hayley, you're divine ; 

Mr. Hayley : Madam, take my word upon it. 
You, yourself, are all the Nine. 

Mr. Jesse reminded my uncle of Theodore Hook and 

dining with him some time ago. Hook, giving 

an account of it, said Mr. Rogers had emptied his wine- 
cellar into his bookseller. Mr. Rogers said he could give 

's epitaph in two words — "Drunk or sober, 

always a gentleman.'' 

Mr. Luttrell mentioned an Irishman who, when reproached 
for being a Pluralist, said, " If you don't take care you may 
find me a DueUist." 

Mr. Mitford said his uncle had been urged to write the 
" History of Greece " by Gibbon whom he knew in the 
Hampshire Militia. Mr. Donaldson gave us the new 
inscription proposed at the dinner-table at Trinity College, 
Cambridge, for the snuff-box, as suitable to the place and 
the purpose, " Quicunque vult," the first words of the 
Athanasian creed. 

When Rothschild, returning thanks from the hustings 
last autumn, said he was the choice of the people, a voice 
cried out from the back of the hall, " So was Barabbas.'' 

4th July. — Lord Brougham told S. R. that Macaulay 
would fail in narrative (his History is coming out at Christ- 
mas). Milman thought he might easily change his style to 
that, but would be unable to cease to be an advocate — 
" he has taken a fee and holds a brief from his convic- 

N 2 

i8o Table Talk at Rogers's. [Ch. ix. 

S. R., though a worshipper of Gray, disapproved alto- 
gether of his fundamental rule, that the language of poetry 
should be a little antiquated. The language of the heart 
is the language of the nursery. Milman thought people 
could remember more Hnes of Gray than of Pope, though 
Pope's matter was more quotable. 

"Duty" is spoiled into duties. A gentleman pays his 
" devoirs " to a lady. A clergyman does the duties of his 
church. A soldier is " on duty " in the solemn sense. 

William Spencer took " Anacreon " Moore to Lady 
Jersey's. She presently said, " Get the little man to give 
us some of his noise." This was the way in which a 
lady of title asked a man of letters to sing his own songs. 

S. R. had known most of the good talkers of his day, 
but no one so quick and clever as Mr. Luttrell, except, 
perhaps, Home Tooke. Jekyll's conversation was rich in 
humour, but Luttrell's and Tooke's were of a higher class. 

Pope, "Moral Essays," iii., 203-218.* Roscoe curi- 
ously mistakes the meaning of these lines, and blames 
Pope for an attack upon a man who dispenses his wealth 
in the service of his country. But surely the character is 

* What slaughtered hecatombs, what floods of wine 
Fill the capacious 'Squire and deep Divine ! 
Yet no mean motive this profusion draws, 
His oxen perish in his country's cause ; 
'Tis George and Liberty that crowns the cup, 
And Zeal for that great House which eats him up. 
The woods recede around the naked seat, 
The sylvans groan — no matter — for the Fleet : 
Next goes his Wool — to clothe our valiant bands, 
Last, for his Country's love, he sells his Lands. 
To town he comes, completes the nation's hope, 
And heads the bold Train-bands, and burns a Pope. 
And shall not Britain now reward his toils, 
Britain, that pays her Patriots with her spoils ? 
In vain at Court the Bankrupt pleads his cause. 
His thankless Country leaves him to her Laws. 

1848.] Home Tooke : Lord Campbell. 181 

that of a pretended patriot, of Whig politics, who wastes 
his property, sells his timber and then his lands, ruined by 
electioneering expenses and county dinners. Then being re- 
fused a pension by his country is left to the bankruptcy laws. 

S. R., when visiting Winchester on a tour before he was 
one-and-twenty, went to the college and took with him to 
the inn Edward Maltby, a boy with whose family he was 
intimate. This boy was afterwards Bishop of Durham, 
and used to say that he never ate such excellent duck and 
peas as on that evening. 

1848. October 20. — Nobody was at my uncle's break- 
fast to-day but Mr. Harness. He told us several interest- 
ing anecdotes. 

Home To.oke, when going to Paris, took a letter of 
introduction to D'Alembert as one of the chief of their 
men of letters. Before delivering it he thought it neces- 
sary to get rather a handsome suit of clothes in the French 
fashion. He was receivedpolitely. D'Alembert asked him if 
he had seen the last new comedy, if he had visited Madame 

, if he had seen certain sights, and so forth. Home 

Tooke made his visit short, thinking he was treated coldly. 
David Hume, who was present, followed him, and apolo- 
gized for D'Alembert. " He seems to have mistaken your 
character ; . he does not know that you are a man of letters ; 
perhaps he was misled by your dress."* 

When Campbell was writing his " Lives of the Chan- 
cellors " Rogers gave him in writing Erskine's own account 
of his being engaged in the Greenwich Hospital case. 
But Campbell made no use of it, except to borrow one 
point from it, and returned it saying that the family said it 
was not true. 

Campbell used to treat his father-in-law Scarlett with 
marked rudeness when they were both at the Bar. Scarlett 
could hardly retaliate or defend himself against the man on 
whom depended the happiness of his daughter. 

* See " Recollections by Samuel Rogers," pp. 147, 148. 

1 82 Rogers's Recollections. [Ch. ix. 

S. R. was staying at Lord Bathurst's when news was 
brought in the evening that the Princess Charlotte was 
confined ; that the child was dead, but the Princess herself 
was doing well. At four o'clock in the morning there was 
a stir in the house. An express had arrived to tell Lord 
Bathurst that the Princess was dead. He got up imme- 
diately to carry the news to the Regent, her father. He 
went to town and called up the Duke of York at St. 
James's Palace, and took him with him. When they got 
to the Regent's they roused Colonel Bloomfield, told him 
their errand, and begged him to inform the Regent of his 
daughter's death. He positively refused. " Tell it your- 
selves," said he. " Let him know then that we want to 
speak to him," said the Duke of York and Lord Bathurst. 
This Bloomfield did, and they were shown up. The Duke 
of York made Lord Bathurst go into the room first. They 
found the Regent sitting up in bed, and told him they had 
sad news for him. He said he had heard it, the child was 
dead. They then let him understand that his daughter was 
dead. He was, of course, much upset; but three hours 
afterwards he was consulting with those about him as to the 
ceremony of the funeral. 

October 23. — Breakfasted with my uncle. A lady said 
to Foote, " I am afraid you don't go to church, Mr. Foote." 
" No, Madam, I do not," replied Foote ; , " not that I think 
there is any harm in it ! " 

Hoppner, looking round on the pictures and vases at 22, 
St. James's Place, said, " What an enviable man this is, and 

d him, he is not married." Hoppnefs domestic life 

was not happy. 

The dramatists, said S. R., are the best novelists. Monk 
Lewis told me that he took his " Bravo of Venice,'' which 
is so striking in its effects, from a German Drama. 

As Lord Byron and S. R. were stepping across the street 
from a house at which there had been an assembly to their 
carriage a link-boy called out, " This way, my lord." He 

1848.] Byron; Lord John Russell. 183 

perhaps knew neither. Rogers remarked to Byron, " Every- 
body knows you." Byron answered bitterly, " It is because 
I am deformed." His temper was soured by his lameness. 

S. R. was in Italy with my aunt when Bonaparte 
returned from Elba; They came home hastily through 
Germany. They had been introduced to Murat. S. R. 
went to Italy a second time after printing the first part 
of " Italy." It was published in his absence without his 
name. He then visited some spots described in the poem 
which he had not visited before. The poem did not sell 
well ; he was dissatisfied with it, and destroyed part of the 

On the death of Lord Spencer, when Lord Althorp 
removed to the Upper House, the Cabinet proposed to 
Lord John Russell to become Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
He answered that figures and finance had not been his 
study, but if his colleagues thought it best he would under- 
take it — he would undertake any post in which they thought 
his services were needed or would be useful. Hobhouse, 
meeting Sydney Smith in the street, mentioned these words 
of Lord John. So when Sydney Smith had occasion to 
attack Lord John in his letters to Archdeacon Sinclair, he 
spoke of his presumption. " He would venture on any- 
thing ; he would not shrink from cutting off a leg or taking 
command of the Channel Fleet." 

S. R. used to spend some weeks at Broadstairs every 
autumn, and usually slept at Rochester on his way down. 
He then stopped at Canterbury, and while there always 
stepped into the Cathedral to hear the service chanted in 
that venerable building. One year he was recognized as 
he sat in the Cathedral by the clergyman in authority, who, 
to show his respect to the Poet, sent a verger to him to 
ask him which chant he would like to have performed. 
This marked civility was repeated every year as he passed 
through Canterbury. He was, of course, gratified by the 
attention, but his pleasure in the music was sadly lessened. 

184 Rogers and his Friends. [Ch. ix. 

He had been willing to fancy that the band of clergymen 
were celebrating the service for their own devotion and for 
the glory of God, but he found that their thoughts were 
really engaged on amusing himself. 

These short recollections of the conversation at 
Rogers's Tuesday breakfasts may be supplemented 
by two other entries which come in at a somewhat 
later time. Speaking of his uncle in his auto- 
biographical sketch he says : — 

As his infirmities increased the circle of visitors lessened, 
and after a time it was limited to those few whose good 
sense and good feeling enabled them to make allowance 
for an old man's deafness and occa.sional forgetfulness. 
Mr. Mitford, the editor of Gray's works, in some doggrel 
lines addressed to him when removing to Brighton for the 
winter, thus describes the reduced list of Tuesday morning 
visitors : — 

Happy the man, and happy he alone. 
Who passed the winter months at Brighthelmstone. 

He who secure within can say, 
I've 'scaped from all my London friends away. 
From Robinson the loud and Dyce the gay. 
And Henderson, who gives the best Tokay, 
And Mitford, ever prosing about Gray, 
And Sharpe, who rules o'er Egypt like a Dey. 
Now my friends do your worst, for I have lived to-day.* 

" The epithets are not all happy,'' said Mr. Dyce 

* The lines are parodied from one of Dryden's Imitations 
of Horace, the 29th Ode of the 3rd Book, which begins 
Tyrrhena regum progenies. Rogers says that Fox was fond 
of quoting Dryden's lines, which he preferred to the original 
of Horace. 

1 8 54-] Dyce, Henderson, and C. Robinson. 185 

when the hnes were read, and in his case at least 
the word gay was used satirically. Like Crabb 
Robinson, he was a great diner-out, but he was 
a man of much refinement and culture, the trans- 
lator of AthenjEus, and editor of Shakespeare. 
His friends called him " Alexander the Great," as 
he domineered over the lesser lights of criticism. 
He was of a tall, handsome figure, but had a weary 
and lethargic manner, and stood bending as though 
to come down to the level of ordinary men. 
For many years he wore an ugly brown wig, but 
after an illness came forth with a magnificent 
head of his own white hair, a most striking trans- 
formation. Mr. Henderson had written a learned 
book on Ancient Wines. To Crabb Robinson 
the epithet loud was not quite appropriate. This 
genial, popular, and ever welcome person was more 
voluble than noisy, persistent rather than loud. 
He was short and thick, with a fine intelligent 
countenance and a bluff hearty manner, and 
looked the picture of health and self-content. He 
began to talk as soon as the door was opened, 
would talk all the way upstairs, would keep on 
without stopping through his whole visit and till 
on his departure he was out of earshot in the street. 
He was proud of his own conversational powers; but 
his goodness of heart, his wide knowledge of the 
world, his recollections of his friends Goethe and 
Wordsworth, and his large reading, made him a 
most welcome visitor, and an immense favourite with 
all who knew him. 

Mr. Rogers was very tender and gentle in his old 
age. Wishing the children of his nephews " Good- 

1 86 Death of S. Rogers. [Ch. ix. 

night " he would say to them, " Speak kindly of me 
when I am gone." He was fond of repeating Mrs. 
Barbauld's beautiful lines beginning "Life, we've 
been long together," and especially their exquisite 
ending. He used to speak of having repeated them 
to Wordsworth, who had never heard them before. 
Wordsworth was much struck with them. He 
walked up and down the room repeating them to 
himself, and then exclaimed, " I do not often envy 
other people their good things, but I should like to 
have written those lines."* When the news was 
brought to Rogers of his sister's death he ex- 
claimed, " What a great blessing, I wish I could 
die too." He 'was then ninety-two, his sister 
was a year or two younger. They were spending 
the winter together in his house at Brighton, and 
she died there in January 1855. They had both 
been confined to their chairs by similar accidents — 
the breaking of the thigh-bone in the hip-joint. In 
December, 1855, the wish that he could die too was 
grantedj and he passed quietly away in his ninety- 
third year, leaving his nephews Samuel and William 
Sharpe his executors, and committing to their charge 
large numbers of journals and letters, very few of 
which have yet seen the light of day. 

* The lines are : — 

Life, we've been long together, 
Through pleasant and through cloudy weather ; 
'Tis hard to part when friends are dear, 
Perhaps 'twill cost a sigh, a tear ; 
Then steal away, give little warning, 
Choose thine own time ; 
Say not " Good-night," but in some happier clime 
Bid me " Good-morning." 

i8s5.] Dyce's "Rogers's Table Talk!' 187 

Samuel Sharpe records his uncle's death in his 
autobiographical sketch : — 

In 1855 my uncle Samuel Rogers died, leaving his pro- 
perty to be divided among his nephews and nieces, and 
appointing my brother William and myself his executors. 
His valuable collection of pictures and other works of art 
was sold by auction. The sale attracted great attention 
from his known good taste as a collector, and the pictures in 
particular brought great prices. He left his copyrights to 
me, which I looked upon less as a piece of property than as 
a duty that I should take care that his poems were reprinted 
as often as possible. His aim had been to obtain for them 
a circulation, and he valued the illustrations in the first 
place as a step to that end. They had sold so largely 
during his lifetime — helped, no doubt, by his social position 
and personal influence, that shortly after his death Moxon 
and Co. sold off by auction what they had printed, and refused 
to continue to print them ; and it was not till ten years 
later the demand again revived for them. Very soon after 
Mr. Rogers's death, indeed, sooner than was quite becom- 
ing, Mr. Alexander Dyce published a volume of his con- 
versation under the title of " Recollections of the Table- 
talk of Samuel Rogers." It was not a judicious book, nor, 
indeed, well-written. It by no means did justice to Mr. 
Rogers's conversation. Moreover, it had many mistakes 
about persons, and gave offence to many. Some of the 
members of our family felt very sore at it, and went so far 
as to tell Mr. Dyce so. '■■ But I well knew that in taking 
notes of Mr. Rogers's conversation he was acting with Mr. 
Rogers's full knowledge and approval, and, moreover, that 
Mr. Dyce had a sincere regard and respect for him ; that 
the book was well meant, and that its faults were wholly 
unintentional. And amid the storm of blame that rose 
against him I made him very happy by telling him so. 

In 1859 my brother William published a volume of 

i88 Sharpes Life of Rogers. [Ch. ix. 

Notes which Mr. Rogers had left behind him ready for the 
printer.* Soon afterwards I published a biography of Mr. 
Rogers, as a preface to the volume of his poems. It was 
of a very few pages, relating to little beyond those par- 
ticulars of his family and youth which could not be 
generally known. I made use of all the biographical 
passages in his poems, but gave no account of that part of 
his life in which he was well known to the literary and 
artistic public. Mr. Rogers had been dead four years, and 
that short time had cooled all curiosity about him. My 
memoir gained no notice, while four years before, Mr. 
Dyce's recollections of him had been wholly sold on the 
day of publication. 

In his Diary about the same time Samuel Sharpe 
writes : — 

The following sentences may hereafter be added to ray 
" Life of Samuel Rogers," at present it might give pain to 
Dr. Beattie : — " In 1844 Campbell died, and was buried 
in Westminster Abbey, when the Prime Minister and five 
noblemen acted as pall-bearers. But Mr. Rogers did not 
think this any honour to the poet, who had never asked 
for notice from these men who now consented to appear 
as his friends. Mr. Rogers did not follow among the 
mourners, and gave particular directions that no such 
doubtful honour sliould be asked for for himself. He 
praised Pope's refusal to be buried there, and whenever the 
subject was mentioned Mr. Rogers added, ' Remember, 
Sam, I am not to be buried in Westminster Abbey.' " 

It may not be inappropriate at this point to record 
some notes of conversations vv^hich took place a few 

* " Recollections," by Samuel Rogers. Longman & Co. It 
contained Mr. Rogers's own recollections of Fox, Burke 
Grattan, Porson, Home Tooke, Talleyrand, Erskine, Walter 
Scott, Lord Grenville, and the Duke of Wellington. 

1855-64.] Visits to Lucy Aikin. 189 

years later between Samuel Sharpe and Miss Lucy 
Aikin. They were written down by his daughters, 
and contain some points of literary and social 
interest. Miss Aikin was in her old age. She had 
vivid recollections of her earlier life, and looked back 
with especial pleasure to her childhood. She said 
one day to Samuel Sharpe : " From ten to seventeen 
I lived in Broad Street Buildings, and there was 
always a great deal going on in the house. I was 
brought very forward and saw plenty of good 
society. Then when other girls come out, as it is 
called, I went in, for we removed to Stoke Newing- 
ton. Oh ! wretched Stoke Newington. It nearly 
broke my heart." She lived twenty-three years, 
from the age of seventeen to that of forty, at 
Stoke Newington ; from whence she removed to 
Hampstead, where she spent the bright evening of 
her days, and where she died in 1864 at the age 
of eighty-three. At this latter period of her life it 
■was the custom of her friend Samuel Sharpe to go 
over to her house rather frequently for evening tea. 
She was full of recollections of people she had met, 
and told the stories she had heard from her father Dr. 
Aikin and her aunt Mrs. Barbauld with great zest and 
vivacity. She remembered Godwin calling on her aunt 
when she was a child. She left the room, but Mrs. .Bar- 
bauld went after her, and told her Godwin was a re- 
markable man, and that she ought to listen to his 
talk. Many years later she met him at a party. He 
was very much bowed down with age and trouble, 
but she introduced herself to him and he recognized 
her in a moment. She was very impatient of his 
daughter, Mary Wolstonecraft Godwin, who, she 

I go Miss Aikin and Howard. [Ch. ix. 

said, had gained the reputation of being a wit by 
saying everything, proper and improper, that came 
into her head. She had seen Charles James Fox. 
" There was a great charm about him," she said. 
" When he looked down he was only a large heavy 
man with a fat face and projecting eyebrows, but 
when he looked up and you met his dark eyes it was 
like the opening of the heavens." 

Another of Miss Aikin's stories was of John 
Howard. When Howard was living at Church 
Street, Stoke Newington, Dr. Price was chaplain 
to Mr. Streatfield. Howard married the landlady 
in whose house he lodged, and during the three 
years she lived he stayed on at Stoke Newington. 
It was at the house of Miss Aikin's grandfather, 
Mr. Jennings, that he used to meet her father. Dr. 
Aikin. Howard had been brought up in a strange 
way, without the education that befitted his station. 
When he wrote his work on Prisons he needed some 
one to look over the proofs for him, and he found 
the aid he wanted in a very intelligent printer at 
Warrington, who used to print for the Academy, 
and who printed Mrs. Barbauld's works. When 
Howard set out upon that last journey abroad from 
which he never came back, Dr. Aikin went to him 
and took much trouble in arranging his papers and 
helping him to start. "He was very kind to all chil- 
dren," said Miss Aikin ; " when he was out on this 
visit abroad he sent home a straw box of foreign 
make as a present for me, which I have kept and 
always look at, thinking of him." 

She remarked of Rogers to his nephew, "You 
say your uncle's conversation was not witty. It is 

1855-64.] 'Miss Aikin and Wedgwood. 191 

well he does not hear you. He really was a wit. 
But his brother Henry said the cleverest things, 
and so easily and naturally. Your uncle Sam used 
to say, ' Henry says better things than any of us, 
and thinks nothing of them.'" She talked of 
Scott. She enjoyed the Lay most because it was 
new. Scott had read Ritson's " Ancient Ballads," 
and the Lay was the result. " How much we admired 
it when it came out," she exclaimed, " I wish any- 
thing half so interesting would appear now." The 
Lay was most admired because it came first. But 
she thought " Marmion " the best ; the " Lady of the 
Lake" was pretty, but not so good as the earlier 

She told a characteristic anecdote of Wedgwood, 
for whom she had the warmest admiration. It was 
said with truth that he had spent a thousand. pounds 
in experiments for the making of his vase, in 
deciding whether the white figures were to be fas- 
tened on or to be made by cutting away the white 
substance down to the blue. In his earlier days he 
had a white swelling on his knee. The doctors told 
him that he must have the leg amputated or lie on 
a sofa and rest it for a year or two. " I lie on a sofa 
for one or two years," he exclaimed ; " impossible ! " 
" The leg was taken off, and he stumped about for 
the rest of his days — that was the man," said Miss 
Aikin, with enthusiasm. She was fond of telling the 
story of a new curate who once called on her some 
time after he came into the parish. With charac- 
teristic taste and tact the youth began to remon- 
strate with Miss Aikin for her Unitarian opinions, 
and excused himself by saying, " Consider, Madam, 

192 Miss Aikin on Dickens. [Ch. ix. 

that I am responsible for your soul." She drew herself 
up and answered, " Sir, you are the first person "who 
ever told me that there was any one responsible for 
my soul except myself." As she said this she sailed 
across the room, rang the bell, and told the servant 
to bring the gentleman's horse to the door at once. 
She had the old-fashioned objection to Dickens's 
novels, that he sought for virtue and refinement in 
the kennel. But it does not seem to have occurred 
to her that he has taught all the world to look 
for both virtue and refinement in very humble life, 
and to find it too. 




The anxiety which the great robbery at the bank- 
ing house had caused to Samuel Sharpe had a 
serious effect upon his health, and he allowed him- 
self too little recreation to preserve full physical vigour. 
In the autumn of 1845 he suffered from a weakening 
attack to which he paid no proper attention and 
which greatly reduced his strength. His fear, at 
this time, was of paralysis, such as had carried off 
his brother, Sutton, and such as he actually died of 
in his old age seven-and-thirty years later. His 
brother Henry took him to an eminent physician 
who assured him that he was only suffering from 
nervous depression and great general weakness. He 
had been adopting his usual remedy of starvation, 
the doctor recommended feeding up and prescribed 
stimulants and tonics and a month's rest. But a few 
days at Brighton with his old friend Mr. Janson 
were all the holiday he could be induced to take. 
Nothing seemed less likely, at this period, as at many 
other times, than that he should outlive all his 
brothers and be capable of hard work at eighty. 

This want of vigorous health joined to, the absorb- 
ing nature of his business anxieties in the gloomy 


194 Collecting Literary Materials. [Ch. x. 

period which followed the repeal of the Corn Laws, 
caused a cessation of literary production, though not 
of studious activity, during the next few years. 
The pause extended from the publication of the 
second edition of the " History of Egypt " in 1846, to 
the issue of the " Chronology and Geography of 
Egypt " in 1849 and the translation of the "Fragments 
of Hyperides " in the "Philosophical Transactions " in 
that year ; and again from the date of these publica- 
tions to the issue of his " Historic Notes on the Bible " 
and the " Egyptian Guide Book to the Crystal Palace " 
in 1854. The work of these years was that of pre- 
paration for years to come. The Vocabulary of 
Hieroglyphics was rewritten, and made twice as 
large as the published volume, but it was not 
published. Meanwhile work on the New Testament 
was making progress. It was now four years since 
the issue of the second edition ; and in the mean- 
time a number of fresh emendations had gradually 
accumulated. These were printed in 1849 on a fly- 
leaf of four pages, entitled " Further Corrections," 
and were intended to be stitched into the volume 
at the end of the Preface. " This," he writes, " I may 
almost call a third edition of my New Testament." 
But the chief labour of these years was given to the 
improvement of his " History of Egypt." He was 
always collecting new materials for this purpose ; 
•and in 1851 he printed a third edition, considerably 
enlarged and improved. It was in two volumes 
octavo and in bulk was about one quarter larger 
than the second edition. A good deal of it had 
been re-written, many new passages were added, and 
it was in his opinion a much better book. He now 

1850.] S. Sharpe "On the Fall in Gold." 195 

dedicated the work to his eldest sister, acknowledging, 
as he was always glad to do, that he owed to her his 
education and his love of learning. 

There are records in the Diary about this time 
which show that the sagacity which has been already 
noted in the exercise of his judgment on some 
political questions, was equally shrewd in its applica- 
tion to monetary problems. In October 1850 he 
wrote a paragraph in the Money Article of the 
Morning Chronicle, calling attention to the imminent 
danger of depreciation of the currency by the gold 
which was then just beginning to pour in from the 
newly-discovered Californian mines. " Nobody," he 
says in his Diary, " has yet pointed it out." A day 
or two later the Manchester Guardian threw ridicule 
on the apprehension, but he followed up the subject 
by two more articles in the same autumn. A few 
years later the question became one of general in- 
terest. In 1859, eight years after Samuel Sharpe 
had anonymously called attention to the subject, 
M. Michel Chevaher published his book "On the 
Probable Fall in the Value of Gold," which was 
translated into English by Mr. Cobden. The great 
-increase in the use of gold more than counteracted 
the effects of its augmented production ; but Mr. 
Sharpe never changed his opinion as to the altered 
value of the metal. He expected the depreciation 
of the currency to show itself earlier than it did, and- 
regarded its effect in making everything dear as 
simply a matter of time. At present a reaction has 
set in, and the appreciation of the currency has 
lowered the price of commodities, just as the earlier 
fall in the value of gold raised prices. But there 

O 2 

ig6 Cockerell, Porson, Travers. [Ch. x. 

were no signs of this change either in 1850 or 

Other notes in the Diary are worth reproducing. 

1848. Oct. 10. Dr. , who has just reviewed my 

" Egypt " in the Dublin University Magazine, made so many 
unsuccessful offers of marriage, that when at Trinity College 
he used to be called the Solicitor-General. Once hearing 
that a young lady and her mother had taken two places in 
the coach to the north, he went and took the two other 
places for himself, that he might introduce himself to 
them. They changed their hour and the Doctor travelled 
the journey alone. 

Oct. 19. I met at Mr. James Yates's at Highgate Mr. 
Roberts, the President of Liberia ; half a negro, who gave 
an interesting account of that black colony. Quite a 
gentleman, quiet in his manners, spoke slowly and very 
good English. 

1849, March 5. Walked into the City with Cockerell, the 
Architect, who pointed out the spots in Fleet Street and 
Ludgate Hill from which he thought St. Paul's was best 
seen. Praised the view as the finest in any city in the 
world. He should not be on speaking terms with anybody 
who wished to pull down the houses to lay the church 
more open. Wren built the spire in Ludgate Hill himself 
as a foil. 

Aug. 21. Dr. Price's uncle succeeded Dr. Watts as 
chaplain in Lady Abney's family. He told Mr. Maltby 
that Dr. Watts, before his death, changed his opinion 
respecting the Trinity. He had probably become Arian. 

Porson was not pleased with his reception in the Lon- 
don Institution, although he was treated handsomely. He 
said their conduct was mean beyond even mercantile 

Benjamin Travers, the eminent surgeon of Bruton 
Street, took a very pretty place at Garston, near Watford, 

iSso-] Talk with Crabb Robinson. 197 

and wrote a poem on the beauties of his new retirement. 
Sydney Smith, on reading it wrote at the end — 

Garston, thou art all a cheat, 
Take me back to Bruton Street. 

So Travers soon found it ; he parted with Garston House 
and returned to his successful practice. 

1850, September 3. I certainly felt mortified on read- 
ing the articles on the Ptolemies in Dr. Smith's " Dictionary 
of Classical Biography." They were all written by E. H. 
Bunbury with the help of my " History of Egypt," and with- 
out any acknowledgment, though he even borrowed the 
volume from my brother Dan for the purpose. 

There are a couple of glimpses of Samuel Sharpe 
at this time in Crabb Robinson's Life. On the i8th 
January, 1851, he enters in his Diary — 

Yesterday, I had at breakfast Dr. Donaldson, Dr. Boott 
[an American], Sharpe, the Egyptian, and Edwin Field. The 
morning went off exceedingly well. 

Nine months later, Crabb Robinson says in a letter 
to his friend Paynter — 

This fine weather is marvellous. Talking the other day to 
Sam Sharpe, on the complaints of the landowners now, he 
made me a wise answer. " We all have it in our turn. A 
few years ago an Act of Parliament took away one-half of our 
income by legalizing Joint-Stock Banks. There was no use 
making a fuss about it. We submitted then, the squires must 
submit now. In the end everybody is the better. Individuals 
must suffer when the public gain." Sharpe is by no means 
an optimist, and on the papal question he is a great deal 
worse than you. 

This common-sense mode of regarding inevitable 
social changes was characteristic of him. The nine 
months which intervened between these two refer- 

igS The Exhibition Year. [Ch. x. 

ences to him by Crabb Robinson were, however, 
not likely to have left much room for optimism. 
There was the saddest possible contrast between 
the public gaiety of those times and the private 
sorrow which came with the bright summer days. 
To the nation at large the year was one of the 
greatest hope and promise. The first half of the 
nineteenth century lay behind, with its wars, its 
political agitations, its social calamities and its un- 
rest. Trade had recovered from the panic of a few 
years before, the nightmare of the Irish famine had 
passed away, and the formidable movement of the 
Irish Confederates under Mr. Smith O'Brien, which 
had ended amid the laughter of the world in 
Widow Cormack's cabbage garden at Ballingarry, 
had been succeeded by a time of apparent content 
and peace. The repeal of the Corn Laws had 
brought plenty and prosperity at home, and after 
the revolutionary outbreaks of 1848 and 1849, 
Europe seemed settling down into lasting quiet and 
peace. The first year of the second half of the 
century found all England in a sanguine mood. 
The Crystal Palace was rising in Hyde Park, and 
the Great Exhibition it was to contain was to be 
opened on the first of May as a festival of universal 
brotherhood. As the year advanced the very 
heavens seemed propitious to the hopes of men. A 
cycle of fine seasons had begun, and bright summer 
sunshine, with a good harvest following it, reconciled 
the farmers to the loss of Protection. The nation 
passed through a short period of social and political 
optimism. Old experience laid aside its prophetic 
strain, and all England agreed for a while to indulge 

i8si.] Death of Mrs. Sharpe. 199 

the daydreams of high-spirited and generous youth. 
There were not a few who really believed that the 
federation of the nations was at hand, and that the 
time had come when there should be war no more. 

Samuel Sharpe was too little of an optimist at 
any time to be led away by glowing expectations, 
and he did not regard the opening of the Great 
Exhibition as the beginning of a new era of peace 
and goodwill. But interest in public affairs was 
eclipsed during the summer by a great private 
sorrow. In the last days of May his wife was taken 
with an illness which seemed at first comparatively 
slight. She made too little of it herself ; and it 
became serious with alarming suddenness. In less 
than a week it ended fatally. Her husband writes 
in his Diary, probably some time after the event — 

At a quarter past ten at night, Tuesday, June 3, 185 1, my 
dear wife Sarah breathed her last. The three eldest children 
were with me in constant attendance at the time. She had 
been ill five days. They had been helpful nurses. I bid them 
bear their grief without crying, for they had done their duty- 
God's will be done. 

This great and terrible loss weighed heavily on 
his spirits. It was the first breach in the charmed 
circle of home. It was the loss of A companionship 
which had been his support and satisfaction through 
more than thirty years. They had been married 
nearly four and twenty years ; but they had known 
one another from childhood, had sympathized with 
each other in all the pursuits of early life, and their 
attachment as cousins had gradually grown into the 
deeper affection which led to their marriage and 
made their married life content and happy. There 

200 Consolation in Study. [Ch. X. 

had been complete agreement between them on all 
matters of domestic management. The husband's 
love of home, his desire to live far within their 
means and his dislike of show, were all fully shared 
by his wife. She had the warmest admiration for 
his literary labours, and fully and heartily participated 
in the pleasures and disappointments of the man of 
letters. The loss of such a companion makes the 
world desolate. Her husband had now to go into a 
new life, to begin the world again, as it were, with- 
out the tender help which had been the solace of 
his earlier years. Happily there had grown up 
meanwhile other home affections which, in time, 
filled the empty place. There was complete sym- 
pathy with him on the part of his children, whom 
he had inspired with his own love of art and litera- 
ture, and who had had, with their mother, some part 
and lot in his literary labours. The cloud passed, 
as all such clouds do, and meanwhile he found, as of 
old, consolation and refreshment in his studies. 
The work of the next two or three years is summed 
up in the following short paragraphs of his auto- 
biography : — 

In 1852 I began a second series of Egyptian Inscriptions. 
The former plates were lithographed by my own hands, 
but now my daughters worked for me. We proceeded 
with this new work slowly but steadily, as we were able to 
obtain materials from Mr. Birch, Mr. Bonomi, the British 
Museum and other sources, and we hope to carry it forward 
till it shall contain a hundred and twenty plates, the number 
of the former series. 

Three years later the volume was pubhshed. It 

1851.] Work Resumed. 201 

was the largest collection of hieroglyphics that had 
ever been issued, and though the sale was small, it 
was of much use to himself and to others. He puts 
on record his opinion that the smallness of the sale 
for such works ought to be no discouragement to 
their production, " as it is only by such drawings 
that the student can make any progress in his 
knowledge of hieroglyphics." Simultaneously with 
the leisurely progress of this work, he says — 

I turned more in earnest to my papers on the several 
books of the Old and New Testaments. Some of them 
had been already published in the Christian Reformer, the 
" History of Assyria " had been printed in Mr. Bonomi's 
" Nineveh," the " History of Edom " I had read before the 
Syro-Egyptian Society; and in 1852 and 1853 working 
slowly and without much zeal I completed the whole. 
During these two years also I delivered several lectures, 
for which I had gained ample experience first at the 
literary discussions at the Islington Institution, and after- 
wards at the meetings of the Syro-Egyptian Society. The 
Lectures on Egypt and the Bible at University Hall were 
very well attended,- and helped to bring about other courses 
of popular lectures in that building. My lectures on the 
same subjects in the rooms of the Unitarian Association 
were only to a small class. 

The Lectures at the rooms of the Unitarian 
Association were delivered in connection with the 
London District Unitarian Society. This Society 
had been formed in 1850 to spread Unitarian 
Christianity in London. It aimed at doing this by 
two methods, each of which had Samuel Sharpe's 
hearty sympathy and support. One of the methods 
was that of giving lectures on biblical and doctrinal 

202 5". Sharpe as a Lecturer. [Ch. x. 

subjects in halls and school-rooms ; the other was 
that of opening places of worship which, however 
humble at first, might form the nucleus around 
which self-supporting congregations would after- 
wards grow. The courses of lectures came first, 
and Samuel Sharpe was greatly interested in pro- 
moting them. They were given in different parts 
of London, and several of the existing congregations 
owe their establishment or revival to this early 
effort, which he justly regarded as one of the signs 
of the awakening of religious earnestness and zeal 
in the Liberal section of the Christian Church, 

His own lectures were delivered from notes written 
on a single sheet of paper. The notes consisted of 
nothing more than the heads of the address, and a 
glance at each in turn was all he needed. He was 
so full of the subject, and had his information so 
completely in hand, that lecturing in this mode pre- 
sented .no difficulty to him. His style was entirely 
conversational. He attempted nothing but the 
impartation of knowledge. In speaking of the 
lectures to his friends, he would point to his 
diagrams and illustrations and say " These are my 
eloquence." The illustrations and diagrams were 
drawn by the members of his family, and together 
with his clear explanations made the lectures very 
interesting and instructive to all who cared for the 
question in hand. As in his writings, so in his 
Lectures, simplicity and clearness were all he aimed 
at. His object was to give information, not to pro- 
vide amusement ; to create interest in the subject, 
not to call attention to. himself 

A good deal of interest was excited at this time 

1852.] The Crystal Palace. 203 

by the proposal to remove the Crystal Palace from 
Hyde Park and to re-erect it, as a permanent pleasure 
house of art on the slope of Sydenham Hill. Mr. 
James Yates urged members of the Antiquarian and 
Archaeological Societies to take shares in the under- 
taking and to support him in the effort to give it an 
educational character by reproductions of ancient 
architecture and art. The idea was carried out in 
the Fine Art Department, in the Assyrian, Egyp- 
tian, Greek, Roman, Byzantine and Alhambra 
Courts. Mr. Owen Jones was placed in charge of 
the whole Fine Art Department, and Mr. Bonomi 
was engaged under him in the modelling of the 
Egyptian Court. The scale of the models was 
necessarily small, but they gave an opportunity, for 
the first time, of realizing some of the effects of 
Egyptian art. Mr. Sharpe and his family were 
frequent visitors to the works in progress on Syden- 
ham Hill ; and some pleasant hours were spent 
in watching the workers. "It was very pleasant," 
says his eldest daughter, "to get in among the 
scaffoldings and planks on Sydenham Hill in those 
days, to thread your way in between the heavy 
waggons full of iron-work and blocks of granite 
and to see Mr. Owen Jones and Mr. Bonomi, with 
their white holland pinafores on, working merrily 
with trowel and brush upon the stucco columns, and 
to hear them talking Italian all the while with the 
foreign workmen who had been sent over to bring 
and put up the casts." 

Samuel Sharpe's share in this work was to put 
dates to these copies of the Egyptian bas-reliefs 
and monuments; and to write in the picture 

204 The "Egyptian Court!' [Ch. x. 

writing of Hieroglyphics the long sentence that 
runs as a frieze around the ceiling of the Court. 
This sentence which reads from left to right and 
occupies the whole length of the fagade, literally- 
translated is as follows : — " In the seventeenth year 
of the reign of Her Majesty, the ruler of the waves, 
the royal daughter, Victoria, lady most gracious, 
the chief architects, sculptors and painters erected 
this palace and gardens, with a thousand columns, a 
thousand decorations, a thousand statues of chiefs 
and ladies, a thousand trees, a thousand flowers, a 
thousand birds and beasts, a thousand fountains, 
and a thousand vases. The architects, and painters 
and sculptors built this palace as a book for the 
instruction of the men and women of all countries, 
regions and districts. May it be prosperous." 

When the building was finished he was asked to 
write the " Historical Sketch of the Egyptian 
Buildings and Sculpture " in the Guide Book to the 
Egyptian Court. The work was issued under the 
title of " The Egyptian Court, described by Owen 
Jones and Samuel Sharpe." Mr. Owen Jones's 
half was accompanied by footnotes contributed by 
Mr. Bonomi. The " Historical Sketch " is a short 
summary of Egyptian history, in which each por- 
tion of the Egyptian Court is described in its 
relation to that history. Each figure and monu- 
ment is thus fitted in to its historical place. He 
speaks of the work as " an agreeable little task, as 
enabling me to put before the public in cheap form 
my views of Chronology." He refused to accept 
any remuneration for it, in order that he " might 
have the pleasure of contributing something to an 

1853-] Dr. Williams's Library 205 

undertaking which proniises to improve the taste 
of the nation in architecture and sculpture." 

In the same year he was elected as one of the 
Trustees of Dr. WilHams's Library. This old Non- 
conformist foundation is now housed in a very 
large and handsome building in Grafton Street 
East, nearly opposite University College Hospital. 
The Library, the support of which is one of the 
smaller objects of the Trust, to which only about a 
tenth of its yearly income can be devoted, is now in 
excellent condition. Dr. Williams's own books, 
which formed the nucleus of the Library, included a 
great number of valuable historical works in various 
languages, besides a very large collection of English 
divinity. To these have been added year by year 
important historical and theological books ; and 
a large number of persons, students and others, 
make use of them. In 1853, when Samuel Sharpe 
became one of its Trustees, the Library was still 
in its old building in Redcross Street, City, which 
was soon afterwards required by the Metropolitan 
Railway. It was removed from thence to a tem- 
porary abode in Queen Square, Bloomsbury, and 
eventually the freehold building in Grafton Street 
was erected for it out of the proceeds of the sale 
of the Redcross Street house. Writing of his elec- 
tion as a Trustee, Samuel Sharpe says — 

I accepted the office because I thought I could be useful 
there. The Library had been sadly neglected, though the 
estates, schools, and scholarships of the Trust had been 
very carefully attended to. However, my co-trustees were 
quite willing to allow and assist my reforms. I got closets 
full of books entered in the catalogue, many volumes of 

2o6 Dr. Williams's Library. [Ch. X. 

tracts bound, the Baxter and Wilson manuscripts bound, 
and an appendix to the catalogue printed. In order to 
make the Library more useful I circulated cards of admis- 
sion, had the fire kept alight in the Reading Room during 
the winter months, and a brass plate put upon the door. 
By these means we brought more readers into the room 
than the Librarian had ever before known. I also proposed 
some alterations in the examinations for scholarships, in 
order to make them more Biblical. I know of no institu- 
tion to which my attention could be more usefully turned. 

The reforming zeal thus brought into an old, and 
at that time, so far as the Library was concerned, a 
decaying institution, necessarily created some dis- 
turbance. The Librarian, like the Last Minstrel, was 
infirm and old, and the Trustees were unwilling to 
hold him to the bond in which his duties were 
defined. He admitted his neglect, and as it was 
practically condoned, Mr. Sharpe in 1857 retired 
from the Trusteeship. But his action was not 
without large results. On the death of the old 
Librarian, the Rev. Thomas Hunter was appointed, 
and he has brought to the duties of his important 
post a zeal and energy which have resulted in making 
the Library more generally useful than it has ever 
been at any period of its history. Mr. Hunter has 
been very successful in making the Library known to 
students and ministers of the so-called orthodox 
Dissenters. Its removal to the capacious building 
in Grafton Street has given further opportunity for 
development, while Dr. Williams's Trustees have 
been authorized to expend a somewhat larger por- 
tion of their funds in the purchase of books and in 
its general support. The Library has been further 

i8s4-] Ai the Turn of Life. 207 

increased by handsome donations of books, the latest 
of which is the large library of philosophical works 
collected by the late Mr. George Henry Lewes, and 
presented by his son, Mr. Charles Lewes. The new 
era on which the Library has thus entered may fairly 
be said to have been begun by the reforms intro- 
duced by Mr. Sharpe, during the four years in which 
he remained one of its Trustees. 

The autobiographical sketch hitherto quoted 
was written in the year 1854. It is dated in 
September, and is addressed to his children. Its 
opening and concluding paragraphs curiously illus- 
trate his state of mind respecting his own work at 
this period of his life. There is nothing unusual in 
the feeling he expresses. At fifty-five most men 
become conscious of some slackening in their physi- 
cal energy. The bound and glow of youth are gone, 
the restorative power of sleep becomes somewhat 
less, the sense of an inexhaustible fund of energy 
which characterizes a strong man's physical prime 
has passed away, and he is very likely to misunder- 
stand the change. The first sense of unaccustomed 
weakness comes upon him with a chill, and from the 
illusion that he is still young he passes to the illusion 
that he is old, and that his natural strength is 
abating. He soon finds that his intellectual power 
is as great as ever, that it is only his physical 
strength which has diminished, and he goes on his 
way once more with only the slight consciousness 
that whereas for half his life he bounded up the hill, 
now he is quietly walking down. Samuel Sharpe 
had just come to this dividing line, and nearly half 
his busy and useful life of literary labour still lay 

2o8 He thinks his Work Done. [Ch. x. 

before him, when he wrote the first and last para- 
graphs of a sketch which he evidently regarded as a 
final summary of his labours. It begins : — 

I am now fifty-five years of age, and have lost much of 
that power of working which I once enjoyed, and which 
has been a great source of happiness to me through life. 
I still look forward to having the pleasure from time to 
time of correcting and reprinting some of my works, but 
I can hope to do nothing now that requires much study. 

The concluding. paragraph is in exactly the same 
tone : — 

While these pages are being written I am passing through 
the press my " Historic Notes on the Books of the Old 
and New Testaments." This has been lying by finished 
for some time. It ought, indeed, to be all rewritten, not 
for me to reconsider any opinions there expressed, which 
were formed carefully and after full study, but that the 
arguments might be stated more clearly, and the whole 
made more readable. But my powers of working are so 
far lessened that I doubted whether I should be able to 
make it what it ought to be. I therefore print it as it is, 
and hope that it may be useful. My wish for it, as for my 
New Testament and History is, that it may root out 
mistaken opinions about the Bible, without hurt to religion, 
and that it may help to disarm scoffers by teaching those 
•who value the Bible to throw overboard those mistaken 
opinions about it which cannot be defended by sound 

This last sentence expressed the motive which 
animated him in all his Biblical works. The feeling 
grew upon him as years advanced, and towards the 
end of his life his chief anxiety seemed to be to 
save the Bible from the undue depreciation with 

i8s4-] How to Treat the Bible. 209 

which it was threatened. To Unitarian ministers, 
and to the ministers and students of other churches 
with whom he came in contact, he was accustomed 
to say that one of the great duties of the pulpit in 
these times is to rescue the Bible from neglect. 
Idolatry has produced iconoclasm, and after half a 
dozen generations have worshipped the Bible, treated 
it as an infallible oracle, spoken of it as the Word of 
God, the present generation seems inclined to rush to 
the opposite extreme, and to throw it away as an 
idol that has been broken. These methods of treat- 
ment rest on ignorance of its history, misreading of 
its contents, and misconception of its claims. As 
an ancient religious literature, as the record of the 
noblest line of religious tradition and development, 
as the purest and simplest expression of the religious 
faculty, leading up to the perfect manifestation of 
our religious nature in Jesus Christ, this collection 
of writings will always have supreme interest and 
importance. The Bible has had no more diligent 
student than Samuel Sharpe, and his sense of its 
infinite superiority to all other " Scriptures " was 
always increasing. It alone, he was accustomed to 
say, had brought into the world a new motive for 
virtue in teaching men to act from the love of God, 
and in appealing to that disinterestedness which is 
the motive power of all enthusiasm, and of all that 
is highest and best in man. Men are only to be 
raised by lifting them out of themselves, and of this 
lifting power the Bible is full. The great thing which 
needs to be done for it in this generation is, there- 
fore, he believed, to make it understood, to humanize 
it, to show its relation to the circumstances amongst 


2IO Historic Notes on the Bible. [Ch. x. 

which it was produced, and to teach a wise estimate 
of its value and its claims. 

This was the object of the " Historic Notes." 
They exactly corresponded to their title. The book 
was a small volume into which a large amount of 
learning and shrewd criticism was condensed. It con- 
tained the matured opinions of its author as to the 
age of the several parts of the Bible, and it described 
each book, nearly in the order in which it stands in 
the Authorized Version. The book is of interest as 
being a kind of first edition of a different work 
which he himself valued much more than this earlier 
production. The attempt to treat the books of the 
Bible in a straightforward order gradually appeared 
to him to be impossible and misleading. Years of 
study convinced him that, to handle the Biblical 
writings with any sort of chronological exactness, it 
would be necessary not merely to divide the several 
books with greater minuteness, but to invert the order 
of many portions of chapters and even of verses, 
and to intermingle one book with another ; in fact, 
entirely to rearrange the whole, setting piece by piece 
anew, in a skeleton or framework of history which he 
must draw up. This idea he accordingly carried out 
in the " History of the Hebrew Nation and Litera- 
ture," which was written and published many years 
later. This is the work referred to in the last para- 
graph of the first autobiographical sketch, which has 
just been quoted. It was the rewriting of the 
" Historic Notes " " that the arguments might be 
stated more clearly and the whole made more read- 
able " which he there says ought to be done, but 
which he doubts whether he shall ever have the 

i8s6.] Mr. Heywood's Motion. 211 

strength to do. Nearly fifteen years after this 
doubt was expressed he sat down, then within a few 
days of seventy years old, to continue the account 
of his life. He completed this second part of his 
autobiography in H870, and in 1879 added to it 
a short further sketch which will come in at its 
appropriate place. It is only needful to note here 
that it was not the least useful, industrious, or pro- 
lific period of his whole life, which still lay before 
him at the moment when, closing the first part of 
his autobiography in 1854, he thought his work was 
almost done. 

The result of his Biblical studies was to produce 
in his own mind, and in the minds of many others, a 
strong wish for an authoritative revision of the 
Authorized Version of the Old and New Testa- 
ments. He gives his own account of the origin of 
Mr. James Heywood's motion on this subject in the 
House of Commons : — 

In the beginning of 1855 I met Mr. James Heywood, 
the member for Lancashire, at Edwin Field's, at Hamp- 
stead. I had never been in his company before. After 
talking to him about his motions for the reform of the 
Universities, I added a wish that he would move in the 
House for an Address to the Queen in favour of a new 
translation of the Bible. He seemed not to have thought 
of the subject before. 

The motion was made, and Mr. Heywood's speech 
in making it was duly reported, and the subject was 
discussed in the daily papers. This was probably 
the first time that subjects of Biblical study had 
been thus introduced into the leading articles of the 
morning journals. The silence upon such topics 

P 2 

2 1 2 Petition for Revised Version. [Ch. x. 

which was then broken has never been renewed. 
From time to time the press has continued to treat 
them down to the present day. Mr. Heywood's 
motion awakened a permanent interest in the ques- 
tion of Revision, and early in the next year Samuel 
Sharpe drew up a petition in its favour from " the 
congregation assembling for worship at the Meeting 
House at Newington Green," which was signed by 
Dr. Cromwell as Minister, by Samuel Sharpe as 
Trustee, by Mr. Andrew Pritchard as Treasurer, and 
by other persons. It was the first petition with this 
prayer which was ever presented to Parliament. It 
set forth : — 

That your Petitioners have been again and again informed 
by Divines and scholars upon whose judgment they can rely, 
that the Authorized Version of the Holy Bible is not so free 
from faults as the translation of such a book ought to be. That 
from the improved knowledge of the ancient languages, and the 
discovery of many better manuscripts of the Holy Bible, a 
version might be made which should far more faithfully repre- 
sent the original. 

That your Petitioners are aware that many new translations 
into English have been made of parts of the Bible, some by 
members of the Church of England and some by Dissenters, 
and some of these translations your Petitioners often read in 
private. But your Petitioners, though Dissenters, hesitate to 
make use of these unauthorized versions in their public wor- 
ship, and are interested in endowed schools and charities in 
which it would be illegal to use such unauthorized versions. 

The petition was not the only contribution he 
made to the discussion of this subject. A third 
edition of his translation of the New Testament was 
published in the same year, and a little volume of 
" Critical Notes on the Authorized Version of the 
New Testament," in which the texts, in which his 

i8s6.] Manchester New College. 213 

translation differed from that of the Authorized 
Version, were set forth with the reasons for the cor- 
rections made. In the very able speech with which 
Mr. Heywood introduced his motion for an Address 
to the Queen for a revised version, he prominently 
referred to this volume, and made good use of it. 
Its author further printed a small tract for popular 
circulation, giving reasons for the demand of a new 
translation, and actively assisted in the promotion of 
lectures on the subject. 

The establishment of the Unitarian Home Mis- 
sionary Board at Manchester in 1854 excited a good 
, deal of controversy in the Unitarian body. It was, 
in many respects, a new development of missionary 
zeal. The old educational institution, at which 
nearly all the leading ministers of the body had 
been trained, had always been faithful to the funda- 
mental principle of non-subscription to creeds and 
of neutrality in theological controversy. It was 
then, and it continues to be, the only theological 
seminary in this country which leaves its students 
and professors unpledged as to theological conclu- 
sions. It is founded for "Free teaching and Free 
learning in Theology," and it has been careful, before 
all things, to preserve its freedom. It has kept up, 
moreover, a very high standard of scholarship among 
the ministers of the group of congregations which 
accept its principle and yield it pecuniary sup- 
port. Manchester New College, as it was called on 
its establishment at Manchester in 1786, was the 
direct successor of the Warrington Academy. It 
had been removed to York in the earliest years of the 
present century, but had returned to Manchester in 

214 Home Missionary Board. [Ch. x. 

1840, and was finally brought to London in 1853. 
The new Home Missionary Board differed from it 
in being distinctively Unitarian, in aiming at pro- 
ducing a less learned and more popular class of mis- 
sionary ministers, and in giving facilities for men 
of a somewhat different social grade to enter the 
Unitarian ministry. Its opponents consequently 
regarded it as a rival of the older institution, and 
as likely to lower the status and change the character 
of the body to which it belonged. The anticipated 
evils have not followed. Room has been found for 
both colleges, and ample work for each. Samuel 
Sharpe speaks of it as established "for the education 
of young men as preachers to the poor," and adds — 

I did not at once join it, as it had the appearance of 
being set up in rivalry to Manchester New College, then 
removed to London. But I thoroughly approved of its 
aim, that of carrying Unitarianism to the poor; and as 
soon as all thoughts of rivalry had blown over, I became a 
subscriber to it, and supported it heartily. By the estab- 
lishment of that institution, and of the Unitarian Herald 
newspaper, Dr. Beard has done more for the spread of 
Unitarianism in England than perhaps any man living. 

This hearty support of the Home Missionary 
Board was continued to the end of his life, and he 
felt great satisfaction in its increasing usefulness. 
For Dr. Beard, its founder and Principal, he enter- 
tained great admiration and esteem. The two men 
had much in common. They had the same love of 
Biblical study, the same marvellous capacity for hard 
work, the same unresting energy, and the same zeal 
for the Unitarian views which they held in common. 
Dr. Beard was not only a hardworking student, but 

1856.] The Rev. Dr. Beard. 215 

a man of great practical sagacity and knowledge of 
affairs. He was one of those energetic men who 
take the lead of others by never sparing themselves. 
Deficient in imagination, and without much of that 
poetic instinct, that power of spiritual insight, which 
makes men's hearts burn within them as they listen, 
and transforms the preacher into the prophet, he was 
nevertheless a great leader and organizer and teacher, 
and has left a very considerable mark on the history 
of Liberal religious thought in the North of England. 
The establishment of the Unitarian Herald was 
carried out by the energetic co-operation of the 
Rev. Brooke Herford and the Rev. John Wright. 




The life of Samuel Rogers, written as a preface to 
his Works, had been published in 1859 ; and in the 
same year a fourth edition of the " History of 
Egypt " was issued, illustrated with woodcuts. The 
publisher undertook this edition on his own account, 
and produced two very handsome volumes. The 
woodcuts had been prepared at Highbury, having 
been drawn for the most part by the author's eldest 
daughter. They were intended to be explanatory 
and illustrative rather than merely ornamental ; they 
added much to the value and interest of the work, 
and have been reproduced in later editions. Mean- 
while Dr. H. Jolowicz, of Konigsberg, had published 
at Leipsic a German translation based upon the third 
edition. The work was annotated by some German 
scholars, who expressed opinions on the chronology 
with which its author did not agree. But he 
cordially admitted the few mistakes they pointed out, 
and incorporated their corrections in the next edition 
of the book, with an acknowledgment in the preface 
that he had done so. The German edition was in 

i8s8.] "Alexandrian Chronology" 217 

two volumes. Its translator, Dr. Jolowicz, was a 
Jewish scholar, to whom Samuel Sharpe had been 
introduced by Crabb Robinson. 

Samuel Sharpe was circulating at this time a quarto 
volume of forty-nine lithographed pages, with seven 
of explanatory letterpress, entitled " Alexandrian 
Chronology from the Building of the City till its 
Conquest by the Arabs, A.D. 640." The compila- 
tion is a work with which he says he had taken a 
good deal of pains. It represents an immense 
amount of patient labour and inquiry, setting as it 
does, in parallel columns, the years before and after 
Christ, and the years according to other methods of 
reckoning, — the Olympiads, the era of Menophres, of 
Nabonassar, the year of Rome, of Alexander's death, 
of the Selucidae, afterwards of Augustus, of Antioch, 
and of the new Sothic period. The tables were 
lithographed by his eldest daughter. The volume 
was published in 1857, rather for gratuitous distribu- 
tion than for sale. It was given away to all who 
valued it ; copies were sent to every college in the 
Universities, as well as to Libraries in Paris, Berlin, 
Copenhagen, Rome, Madrid, Turin, Gottingen and 
other places abroad. Its author regarded it as 
" having quite established the system of regnal years 
in Egypt, both before and after the introduction of 
the Julian leap year." 

Another thin quarto was published in 1858, under 
the title of " The Triple Mummy Case of Aroeri-ao, 
an Egyptian Priest, in Dr. Lee's Museum at Hartwell 
House, Buckinghamshire." It consists of twenty- 
five pages of Letterpress by Samuel Sharpe, and 
eight large plates drawn by Mr. Bonomi, and was 

2i8 The Spiritual Resurreciion. [Ch. xi. 

published for the Syro-Egyptian Society of London. 
The cases, with the mummy they held, had been sent 
to England by Mr. Salt, the British Consul-General 
in Egypt. They were bought by Mr. Pettigrew, who 
afterwards sold them to Dr. Lee. The mummy, 
which was wrapped as usual in linen bandages, was 
unrolled by Mr. Pettigrew, before a large audience, 
in the lecture room of the Royal Institution on the 
30th of May, 1S36. One of the pictures on the outer 
case represents the blue vault of heaveii, in the shape 
of the goddess Neith bending over and touching the 
ground with her arms. Under this vault is the 
deceased priest, with the two bodies into which death 
divides him. His earthly body is red, and is falling, 
his heavenly or spiritual body is blue and stands 
erect, raising its hands to heaven. This is a pictorial 
representation of the idea expressed many centuries 
later by St. Paul, " There is a natural body and there 
is a spiritual body (i Cor. xv. 44). It contrasts 
with the older representations in which the spirit 
returns to the mummy in the form of a bird. That 
was the more ancient Egyptian view and made the 
resurrection of the body needful to future existence. 
This picture belongs, therefore, to a more culti- 
vated class, or a more enlightened time. " In the 
opinion of this artist," writes Samuel Sharpe, " the 
resurrection of the earthly body would seem un- 
necessary." So early, therefore, had the deep spiritual 
insight of the Egyptian priests superseded the mate- 
rialistic doctrine still taught in the Apostles Creed. 
In all the relics of the ancient world there is nothing 
more beautiful than this pictured teaching of the 
revelation which awaits us all, when the immortal 

i8s9.] Old Testament Revision. 219 

rises from the death of the mortal, and finds the 
heaven which broods over it no longer cold and 
empty, but warmed and filled with the presence and 
the life of the encompassing God. 

While this beautiful volume was going through the 
press, its author had turned his attention from this 
remote antiquity to the questions of the day, and 
published in the Bankers' Magazine an article on 
Decimal Coinage, in which he took the view that 
our present system is more convenient for retail 
trade than the decimal system, and that the value of 
the penny could not be changed without much in- 
convenience and injustice to the humbler classes. 

Meanwhile, the work of amending and correct- 
ing his translation of the New Testament was never 
arrested. He turned to it from time to time as 
opportunity arose, and, indeed, from this time forth, 
that and the Revision of the Old Testament may be 
said to have been the chief interest and occupation 
of his life. A fourth edition, lower in price, and of 
2,000 copies was issued in 1859. He records with 
satisfaction that his translation "was all this time 
gaining some little notice, and this edition was very 
much praised by the orthodox reviews." He adds 
with equal satisfaction, " Bagster, the publisher of 
Bibles, had called the third edition a soul-destroy- 
ing book, but it was gaining approval for its im- 
partiality." He had offered copies of it to the 
authorities of the orthodox colleges at Cheshunt 
and St. John's Wood, but the gift had been declined. 
The fact is the better worth recording, because 
fifteen or twenty years later the same book met 
with ready acceptance from the same persons, 

220 Promoting Biblical Studies. [Ch. xi. 

who seemed to have learned in the interval that 
there is nothing irreverent or dangerous in the 
attempt to present the writings of apostles and 
evangelists in the English language, with as near an 
approach to the original as impartial scholarship 
can give. 

Another effort to promote Biblical studies is re- 
corded by himself. 

I had for some years past been giving prizes to the students 
at the Carmarthen College,* and the Home Missionary 
Board at Manchester for knowledge of Biblical History, 
Geography and Antiquities. To Carmarthen, at the request 
of the Examiners, I every year sent a list of questions. 
To the money prizes at the Home Missionary Board, I 
usually added copies of my " History of Egypt." I had 
offered prizes on the same subjects to the students of 
Manchester New College, but after some correspondence 
they were declined by the Secretary and Principal. They 
asked me to change the subjects of my offered prizes, but 
that I refused to do. I had always kept the students of 
Manchester New College and the Home Missionary Board 
suppHed with copies of my New Testament and I some- 
times sent a stock to Carmarthen College. 

In the next year he severed his connection with 
the old chapel at Newington Green, which he had 
regularly attended for eight-and-twenty years, and 
joined the small body of Unitarians who were then 

* Carmarthen College is an old Presbyterian foundation in 
which Unitarian and Orthodox meet together on equal terms. 
The Theological Professor is Orthodox, but its Principal, who 
is also Professor of Hebrew, Greek, and the New Testament, 
is Dr. Vance Smith, the learned and accomplished repre- 
sentative of the Unitarians on the Revision Committee. 

i86o.] Gothic Architecture. 221 

meeting in a hired room in Islington. The old chapel 
in Carter Lane had been sold, and with the proceeds 
the present Unity Church and schoolroom in Upper 
Street, Islington, were being built. Samuel Sharpe 
disliked Gothic for Unitarian Chapels. He once 
met Gibson, the sculptor, at Mr. Bonomi's, when 
the artist held forth in the most amusing though 
in the most dogmatic fashion, giving nobody else 
room to slip in a word. He talked of his coloured 
statues, of his lady pupils, and among other things 
of architecture. "The Gothic architecture," said 
Gibson, " came from the barbarians and is fit for 
the barbarians ; and of one thing I am quite certain, 
if there is an architecture in heaven it will be the 
Greek architecture." With Gibson's objection to 
Gothic our author at least thoroughly sympathized. 
He thought it to be inconsistent with the sim- 
plicity of the Unitarian worship. He regularly 
attended the Islington services, and had the greatest 
respect for and sympathy with the minister, the 
Rev. Henry lerson. But when the congregation 
moved into their Gothic church, and the minister 
put on his gown, and the prayers became liturgical, 
he and his family went down to Stamford Street for 
simpler worship. 

The last few years had been a very trying period. 
His second son, Albert, had long been in precarious 
health. For some years consumptive symptoms 
had been present, and latterly the disease had been 
fully manifested, and he had spent each winter at 
Hastings. Beyond attending a little at the office 
of his uncle Henry in the City, Albert Sharpe had 
never been strong enough to do much in the way of 

2 2 2 Retirement from Business. [Ch. xi. 

business. Had he recovered he would have joined 
his brother in the Bank, but he became gradually- 
worse, and died at Christmas, 1857. Three years 
and a half later his eldest brother Frederick, whose 
health had never been robust, was carried off by a 
sudden attack of the same disease. The loss of 
both his sons at the early ages of nineteen and 
twenty-six made an important change in their 
father's life. He had retired from business before 
Frederick's death, and himself records why the 
resolution was come to and how it was carried out. 

During these latter years I had been far from well, and 
I felt the anxiety of business too much for me. As I be- 
came more important in the firm my hours of attendance 
had lessened, but my cares had increased. I was not 
able, with comfort, to take any long holiday ; and in 1861, 
at Lady-Day, I finally quitted the Banking House in 
Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, at which I had attended 
regularly for more than forty-fiive years. I left behind my 
late partners, including my son Frederick and also Mr. 
John Warren. But the consequence was very unfortunate. 
My son died within the year ; Mr. John Warren shortly 
retired to join another partnership ; and the survivors sold 
the business to an insolvent Joint Stock Company called 
the British Bank. This soon stopped payment, and so 
came to an end a Banking House which had been a credit 
to everybody connected with it for exactly one hundred 

Here there has to be recorded one of the most 
striking resolutions to which any successful man of 
business ever came. He had lived far within his 
income, and had brought up all his children in the 
habits of economy which he had chosen for himself. 

i86i.] A Noble Resolution. 223 

He had often told them that they would thank him 
more for their inexpensive tastes than for any 
fortune he might leave them. They were, however, 
amply provided for, the motive for saving was 
removed, and there was no reason why the whole of 
his yearly income should not be spent. But how 
spent, was the question. Most men would have 
resolved to spend it in a larger house, in more 
company, in travel, perhaps in public life. They 
would have allowed themselves more pleasures, more 
indulgences, more personal and family enjoyment 
of their ample means. But Samuel Sharpe did 
nothing of this kind ; and the choice he made, which 
cannot be better described than in his own simple 
words, gives him at once a very high rank among 
the benefactors of his time. Writing of it in 1879, 
the year in which he reached fourscore, he says : — 

I entered business, the youngest in the firm, with a very 
small capital. I saw at once that by the death of partners 
responsibility would always be growing upon me, and that 
it was my duty to live economically and to prepare for it 
by laying by money. When sixty years old my health 
failed, and I went out of business. Elder relations had 
left me money, and when I withdrew my capital and 

invested it I found myself possessed of a-year, 

with the habit of spending one-third of it, or less. My 
children were dropping around me, and I did not wish to 
change my quiet habits. I saw the folly and even the 
wickedness of accumulating without a rational motive, and 
I seriously turned over in my mind how to spend money 
usefully. Besides ordinary charities, the three lines then 
open to me were, to print and give away my books, which 
were of a class very little saleable ; to help University 
College which I saw was moving the education of the 

2 24 Liberal Gifts of Money. [Ch. xi. 

nation ; and, thirdly, to help the unpopular cause of 

I began giving small sums freely to Unitarian appeals for 
help to chapels, meaning to set an example which I hoped 
might be followed, of giving ;^io or;^2o in place of the 
former ;Q'^ ; and ;^ioo or ^^50 in place of the former 
^20. This example, I am glad to see, has often been 

My translation of the Bible and " History of th,e Hebrew 
Nation " cost nearly ;^2oo a-year to give every Dissenting 
student for the ministry whose college would accept such 

In thus giving away money- my daughters nobly 
encouraged me, and were quite content with our quiet 
inexpensive way of living. 

Those are the simple terms in which this munifi- 
cent friend of unsectarian education and rational 
religion records the benefactions of twenty years. 
That he looked back with deep satisfaction on this 
use of his money may be taken for granted. But he 
made no boast of his charities. Very few of the 
supporters of University College know how greatly 
that institution is indebted to him. Many pleasing 
acknowledgments of this indebtedness have, how- 
ever, been made from time to time, and one of the 
class rooms is called by his name. In addition to 
his actual gifts, he assisted many boys to get their 
education at University College School ; and the 
private help he gave to many other persons and 
families in procuring educational advantages for 
them, which were far beyond their own means, ex- 

* Up to the year 1879 he had given University College about 
;£i,ooo a-year ; ^20,000 in all. 

1 86 1.] Zeal for Unitarianism. 225 

tended over a large area and reached a considerable 
sum every year. 

This great development of a liberality in gifts of 
money which had always distinguished him, was 
simultaneous with a considerable increase in his 
service of Unitarian Christianity. In this, too, it is 
best to describe his motive in his own words. 

Being now at leisure, I gave more attention to the attempt 
which was always being made by some of us to spread 
Unitarian opinions ; to this indeed many of my literary 
doings had been very much directed. I often attended 
and spoke at the quarterly meetings of the London Dis- 
trict Society, and occasionally lectured on Biblical subjects 
such as the mistranslations in the authorized New Testa- 
ment, and the age of the several parts of the Pentateuch. 
I also wrote more in the Unitarian periodical papers, and 
occasionally invited to my house the students of Manchester 
New College. I felt that the spread of our unpopular 
opinions was a great and good cause, and as I was in- 
dependent of the world's frowns or smiles, I could not do 
anything more useful than give my countenance to that 
course of action. Since the Dissenters' Chapels Bill had 
passed in 1844, the popular prejudices on the subject had 
been very much lessened, and the path was more open for 
the spread of theological truth. The chief hindrance now 
was that such an attempt was not genteel. 

Among the efforts thus undertaken was that of 
establishing a Unitarian Chapel at Hastings. The 
family had, unfortunately, much to do with that 
pleasant watering place. Albert had spent several 
winters there with some of his sisters for companions, 
and soon after his death, his youngest sister, Eleanor, 
showed symptoms of the same fatal disease. She, 


226 Unitarianism at Hastings. [Ch. xi. 

too, had to be sent to Hastings for the winter ; and 
though she was usually accompanied by her eldest 
sister, all the other members of the family, the father 
among them, were frequent visitors. They were not 
accustomed to neglect public worship, but highly 
appreciated its value for instruction, consolation 
and inward renewal* yet as earnest believers in 
Unitarian Christianity they were unable to join with 
profit in Trinitarian services. If Jesus Christ is not 
God, he is not a proper object of worship. If the 
doctrine of the Atonement is a superstitious dream of 
the middle ages, teaching which is permeated with it 
is more shocking than it is edifying ; and prayers 
which assume it and are based upon it can have 
no meaning to those who disbelieve and reject it. 
Hence the necessity for special Unitarian services, and 
hence the justification of the separate existence of 
the Unitarian body. With this feeling. Miss Emily 
Sharpe endeavoured to establish a Unitarian -congre- 
gation at Hastings. A few resident Unitarians 
assembled in a room and one of them read a service 
to the rest. After a few years they engaged a 
minister jointly with the old congregation at Battle ; 
and in 1868 they were able to build a chapel, with the 
help of subscriptions from others. The chapel is a 
permanent memorial of the visits of the family from 
Highbury Place to this warm and sheltered and 
beautiful portion of the Sussex coast. 

It is difficult to give any vivid impression of the 
vast and varied activity by which Samuel Sharpe 
filled up the void which the giving up of his work 
in the City would otherwise have left. No man who 
has spent five-and-forty years in active city work can 

1 862.] Old Testament Translation. 227 

wisely leave it off, while his powers are still substan- 
tially unimpaired, unless he has some resource in 
public work or private study. Men who have no 
such interests to occupy their minds and fill up their 
leisure, are very likely to lose their faculties, to 
break down in health, or to creep back in some way 
or other to their old haunts and their accustomed 
work. Samuel Sharpe had plenty of interests, and 
he turned with new zest to them all. The first few 
years after he retired from business were almost the 
busiest, and in a literary sense they were the most 
productive of his life. Perhaps it was in the varied 
character of his pursuits that he found the secret of 
that freshness of mind, which, in addition to the 
promptitude and decision which business gives, he 
brought with him out of his forty-five years of bank- 
ing, and carried with him through his remaining 
twenty years of studious leisure. One looks with 
wonder at a man who, having in the intervals of 
business not only mastered the hieroglyphics of 
Egypt and written the history of that mysterious 
land, but completed his knowledge of Greek and re- 
translated the New Testament, could betake himself 
at the age of sixty-three to the study of Hebrew and 
the revision of the English version of the Old Testa- 
ment. Yet this is how Mr, Sharpe became a Trans- 
lator of the Bible. 

His eldest daughter says of this change : — " None 
but those who lived with him during his more than 
twenty years of Egyptian study could understand 
how naturally and insensibly these researches were 
leading him to a close grammatical study of the 
old Hebrew writings. The Jews of primitive times 

Q 2 

228 Egypt and the Bible. [Ch. XI. 

migrated out of Egypt under Moses, therefore it 
was amongst the earhest laws of the Jews that traces 
of Egyptian civilization and opinions must be sought 
for. Again, the Jews during the whole time of their 
monarchy were alternately trading with Egypt and 
quarrelling with Egypt, therefore in the • Books of 
Kings and of Chronicles, and through the Prophets, 
here and there, might an historian of Egypt expect 
to collect many scattered particulars. Further, the 
Hebrew Scriptures were first translated into a Gentile 
language in Egypt, the Apocryphal Books were 
chiefly written in Egypt, and the Gnostic opinions 
that were to overcloud Christianity almost as soon 
as it appeared, were but a Jewish graft upon the 
Egyptian superstitions. Therefore, whether the 
student is busy upon the more ancient or upon the 
later and Christian periods of Egyptian history, it is 
to the pages of the Bible that he turns for explana- 
tions and for additions to his meagre materials, and 
in doing this he is met at every turn by the need of 
an amended translation. Nor was it any use to wait 
patiently for a New Translation. The theologian 
and the man of poetical mind might best re-translate 
the doctrinal parts and the grand poetry of the 
Bible. But no one but the antiquarian could correct 
the translation of those geographical and historical 
chapters which he needed most in his work of com- 
pilation. Therefore there was nothing for it but to 
re-translate the Bible himself He hesitated and 
delayed for several years, saying that it was too 
great a task, but that he should certainly undertake 
it as soon as he grew younger. But finding that this 
did not come to pass, he began." 

i86i-4.] "Hebrew Scriptures Translated." 229 

His own account of it is in the simple style, with- 
out the least particle of self-consciousness or boasting, 
in which his resolutions on the spending of his in- 
come are recorded. Speaking of the years from 1861 
to 1 864 he says : — 

During these years I had rather neglected hieroglyphics, 
and turned to the study of Hebrew. I had forty years 
before learned the alphabet, and very little more than 
enough to enable me to look for a word in the dictionary, 
but now I turned to it in earnest, and began to translate 
the Bible. I added to a copy of the Authorized Version 
a large margin on which I made the corrections I pro- 
posed. By the time I had got to the end, I, of course 
found that many of the corrections were wrong and had to 
be altered. When that was done and this copy thus 
spoilt, I got a second copy with similar margins, and trans- 
lated the whole a second time. When I reached the end, 
this also had to be again corrected, but not so much but 
that it was in a state to send it to the printer. Frojn this, 
in 1865, I published- my "Hebrew Scriptures Translated." 
It met with some success. My New Testament had been 
dispersed over the land by sale or gifts to the number of 
8,000 copies, and had thus prepared the way for the Old 
Testament. It was, however, published at a price below 
what it cost. The low price at which the Bible Society 
sells the Authorized Version makes it necessary that another 
version should not be charged much higher. Indeed, the 
only chance of mending the world in theology is by address- 
ing the arguments to those that are not rich. The wealthy 
and well-educated are more shut up from such knowledge 
by the bonds of fashion than the poor are by their 

The statement that he had "rather neglected 
hieroglyphics " must be taken quite in the qualified 

230 Egyptian Antiquities in Museum. [Ch. XI. 

form in which it stands. He had published in 1861 
another edition of his Hieroglyphical Vocabulary. 
It was entitled " Hieroglyphics, being an attempt to 
explain their Nature, Origin and Meaning." In 
three or four important characters he differed from 
most of the students of hieroglyphics, and though 
they had the ear of the world, he desired to put his 
own views on permanent record because he had 
adopted them deliberately and after full inquiry, and 
had full confidence in them. In the next year, 1862, 
he published " Egyptian Antiquities in the British 
Museum Described." In this work he mentioned all 
the objects to which he thought he could put a date. 
It contained numerous woodcuts drawn by Mr. 
Bonomi upon the wood, and by his daughter Emily. 
This volume was the more interesting because it 
exhibited very clearly his differences from the 
orthodox interpreters of the Egyptian monuments. 
He says : — 

I did not adopt either the names or the dates placed, 
upon the objects by Mr. Birch, the keeper. This probably 
checked its sale. At any rate it did not gain his counte- 
nance. But my aim was to correct opinions which I thought 
mistaken. I was as much a Dissenter in Egyptian studies, 
as in Theology. 

His dissent in Egyptian studies was, however, like 
that in Theology, entirely based on differences of 
interpretation. Just as he kept the Scriptures, but 
read in them other meanings than those which the 
Scribes and Pharisees of ecclesiastical tradition have 
forced upon them, so he kept the sculptured scrip- 
tures of Egypt, but disagreed with the accepted 

i862.] Controversy with Sir G. C. Lewis. 231 

interpretation of them. Hence in 1862 he had 
communicated to the Parthenon, a literary and 
scientific journal edited by Mr. C. W. Goodwin, the 
writer of the Essay on the Mosaic Cosmogony in the 
Essays and Reviews, a series of letters combating the 
views of Sir George Cornewall Lewis, who had pro- 
claimed his entire scepticism as to the whole of the 
supposed Egyptian history. Sir George Lewis went 
so far as to say that there was no sufficient ground 
for placing any of the buildings in the Nile valley 
earlier than the building of Solomon's Temple, 
1 01 2 B.C. In these letters, which are signed with his 
initials, Samuel Sharpe gives up to what he calls 
Sir George Lewis's "just ridicule," the chronology of 
Lepsius and Bunsen, and speaks of " the wild views 
of Bunsen's ' Egypt's Place in Universal History ; ' " 
but at the same time declares that " Sir George 
Lewis's scepticism would lead us further from the 
truth than the fanciful theories which he aims to 
overthrow." It may be worth while to quote from 
the last of these letters a passage which while it 
replies to Sir George Lewis on the one hand, indi- 
cates on the other exactly in what his latest and 
ripest views on Egyptian chronology differed from 
those of " the long chronologists " who are still in 

Every great building and almost every part of a building 
bears the sculptured name of the king who made it, and often 
tells us his parentage and something of his pedigree. By the 
help of these inscriptions we are able to put into a series the 
names of above thirty Theban Kings. We are enabled to say 
with the utmost certainty that above half that number reigned 
in unbroken succession ; and that the Kings who built the 
Pyramids lived yet earlier. 

232 Reply to Sir G. C. Lewis. [Ch. xi. 

The reigns of these, the half of the Theban Kings, must 
nave occupied more than four hundred years, and the reigns of 
the whole at least six hundred years, and we are enabled to say 
with equal certainty that they all reigned in succession before 
King Shishank who fought against Rehoboam, the son of Solo- 
mon. Shishank, after his conquest of Judea, and after he had 
made himself master of Upper Egypt recorded that conquest 
on the walls of the Theban temples, or the temples raised by 
the Theban Kings already spoken of who had already passed 
away. After the time of Shishank, who is mentioned by the 
Hebrew writers, an interval of two-hundred-and-fifty years 
brings us to the Kings Sevek or So and Tirhaka, who are 
again mentioned in the Bible. And even if the Egyptian 
records be distrusted, by which we fill up these years of civil 
disturbance and struggles among the cities of the Delta for 
the mastery of all Egypt, yet it is impossible that to those 
years can be assigned the reigns of the great Theban Kings 
or of the Kings who built the Pyramids. Even an examina- 
tion of the monuments in our British Museum, where we have 
records of most of the reigns, is almost enough to prove that 
they reach back for a period of thirty reigns before the time 
of Solomon. Our earliest monument? cannot be so modern as 
the year B.C. i6op. The record on the rock near Beyrout 
proves the march of the Egyptian army through that country 
under Rameses II., which cannot have taken place after the 
time of the Judges, as it would othenvise have been noticed by 
the Hebrew writers. 

These few considerations alone, if properly looked into, 
absolutely prove that Thebes had risen and fallen from its 
high estate before the time of Solomon. For this we need not 
rely upon Manetho, nor upon any reading of hieroglyphics 
beyond that most simple and certain portion — namely' the 
reading of the Kings' names. We rely upon the Kings' names 
and the monumental evidence alone. It is true that Bunsen 
and Lepsius and other most respectable authorities, who may 
be called the long chronologists, lengthen out the period of 
history, thus proved by the monumental evidence, by about 
fifteen hundred years. They insert a period of two hundred 
years between the time of Solomon and the reigns of the great 
Kings of Thebes. They insert a second period of five hun- 
dred years in the middle of the reigns of the Theban Kings, 

12,62.'] Egyptian Mythology and Christianity. 233 

when they suppose that Egypt was governed by the Phoenician 
shepherds. They insert a third period of eight hundred years 
between the reigns of the earliest Theban Kings and those 
Kings of Memphis who built the Pyramids. For these three 
long periods they have no monumental evidence. They rely 
upon the figures and periods of time mentioned by Manetho. 
This lengthened chronology I by no means undertake to defend 
froni the remarks of Sir G. Lewis ; and in conclusion have 
only to add that though I think he has undervalued the results 
of the last half-century's Egyptian studies, yet he has done 
good service to the cause of science by warning us against 
taking guesses for certainties and early traditions for history. 

The Egyptian lore was turned to the support of his 
Theological Dissent in the way he thus describes : — 

In my " History of Egypt " I had been necessarily led 
to show the Egyptian origin of many of the corruptions of 
Christianity. But the subject was rather lost in the two 
large volumes, and in 1863 I published much of the 
same matter in a smaller form, under the title of " Egyptian 
Mythology and' Egyptian Christianity" with their 'influence 
on the opinions of modern Christians. To this I added 
the woodcuts which had been made for my other books. 
In this, as in my History, I had the direct aim of under- 
mining orthodoxy ; but I did it only by the statement of 
facts. I never hinted disapproval, but, when necessary, 
stated it openly. As this gave no direct offence, my views 
were never opposed or answered ; the orthodox took the 
wiser course of leaving them to neglect, which was too 
much their fate. But as I chose to speak in favour of 
what I thought the truth, I had no reason to complain. I 
had only to be patient and to persevere. 

Another publication, one of the most complete 
and exquisitely finished in which he was engaged, 
was undertaken, in conjunction with Mr. Bonomi, in 
this same period of partial neglect of hieroglyphics. 

234 Belzoni and Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. xi. 

Mr. Bonomi, who was then the Keeper of Sir John 
Soane's Museum in Lincoln's Inn Fields, had been 
occupied for more than a year in copying and litho- 
graphing the hieroglyphics on the alabaster sarco- 
phagus disentombed by Belzoni at the Biban el 
Molook or Valley of Kings Tombs in 1815. 

There are still men living who remember the 
exhibition which Belzoni gave of his Egyptian 
treasures, to the London public, during all that 
winter. He had fitted up a room of the shape and 
size of the rock tomb he had unburied in the hills 
of Thebes, and after painting its inner walls in imita- 
tion of the gorgeous interior of that sepulchre, he 
placed the royal ornaments and relics he had brought 
to England, in almost the actual position in which he 
had discovered them. The exhibition was visited by 
all the scholars and the curious of the nation. Sir 
John Soane, the Architect, bought the sarcophagus 
from Belzoni, and set it up in his house in Lincoln's 
Inn Fields, where he left it after his death, together 
with his statues, pictures, vases and library of archi- 
tecture to the care of trustees who should keep it 
open as a public museum. Mr. Bonomi had known 
his countryman Belzoni in early years. He had. 
seen this clever adventurer perform as an acrobat 
before admiring audiences. Mr. Bonomi, like Belzoni, 
had searched the Egyptian temples and tombs, when 
he was living amongst them for ten years, employed 
as an artist by Messrs. Burton and Salt. Therefore, 
when late in life Mr. Bonomi came to be elected 
curator of Sir John Soane's Museum, it was a con- 
genial task to him to copy and to lithograph the 
hieroglyphics upon this richly carved sarcophagus. 

1 866.] A Son of Rameses II. 235 

and he did the work with the minutest care. The 
pictures thus most carefully copied form a series of 
nineteen folio plates. They were published under 
the title of " the Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimenep- 
thah I., Kiiig of Egypt ; " and are accompanied by 
five-and-forty pages of descriptive letter-press by 
Samuel Sharpe. An appendix sets forth his reasons 
for differing from the received Egyptian chronology. 
Samuel Sharpe was conscious all this time that 
the enthusiasm which, characterized all his work 
was turning from its old Egyptian field to that of 
Biblical translation and research. This was the 
chief interest and absorbing occupation of his latter 
years. Egypt and its antiquities were never 
altogether neglected, but they became less and less, 
and Palestine and the Hebrew history and" literature 
became more. His Egyptian researches became 
subservient to his Bible studies, and proved of im- 
mense value in throwing light on Biblical problems. 
There are no signs of the occupation of his busy pen 
with anything Egyptian for the next half-dozen 
years. In 1866, however, he showed his continued 
interest in the subject by a very handsome and costly 
present to the British Museum. This was an Egyp- 
tian statue of a son of Rameses II., in hard grit- 
stone, standing and very nearly perfect. " I had 
had," he says, "ample opportunities of judging its 
worth. The Trustees had refused to purchase it, 
and I thought myself fortunate in being of use to 
the national collection in a matter for which my 
studies had qualified me." The statue cost him about 
five hundred pounds, and he considered it well worth 
the money. 




The ten years from i860 to 1870 were a period 
of much excitement and very definite progress in 
theological matters in England. A decade which 
began with the agitation evoked by the mild heresies 
of the " Essays and Reviews," and which ended with 
the proposal of the Southern Convocation for a 
revised translation of the Scriptures, was necessarily 
one in which every friend of free inquiry in theology 
had much to interest and encourage him. The 
"Essays and Reviews" were published in i860. 
There was nothing in the book with which every 
Unitarian had not been long familiar. There was 
little in -it which did not at once commend itself to 
the common-sense and the natural religious feeling 
of the great bulk of educated laymen in the 
Established Church. A sense of astonishment rose 
in the minds of the vast majority of those who read 
the book at the anger and excitement it aroused in 
clerical circles. The Essayists themselves were 
probably the most surprised of all, and the prosecu- 
tions and persecutions which followed did not find 
some of them at all worthy to be leaders in the new 
reformation which they dimly foreshadowed. 

i86o.] "Essays and Reviews." 237 

It is needless to say that the" Essays and Reviews " 
were read with complete sympathy by the heretical 
scholar at Highbury. He gladly joined in the sub- 
scription raised by Mr. Thomas Scott, of Ramsgate, 
for the defence of the Rev. H. B. Wilson in the pro- 
secution to which he was subjected. Similar help 
was offered to Dr. Rowland Williams. Dr. Temple 
needed no such aid. He seemed inclined at first to 
take an active part in the liberal theological move- 
ment of the time ; but he was made a Bishop in 
1869, and has been careful ever since to let his 
Churchmanship and orthodoxy appear. He was 
thus lost to theological liberalism, drowned, as people 
said, in the See of Exeter. Mr. C. W. Goodwin, 
author of the Essay on " the Mosaic Cosmogony," 
had become acquainted with Samuel Sharpe through 
a common interest in Egyptian studies. As a lay- 
man he had not the same reason for shyness towards 
Unitarians which affects the clergy. He was a fre- 
quent visitor at Highbury Place, and when Samuel 
Sharpe and his brother-in-law Mr. Edwin Field 
established a course of Biblical Lectures at Univer- 
sity Hall, Mr. Goodwin consented to be one of the 
Lecturers, together with Dr. Martineau, the Rev. J. J. 
Tayler, Professor Marks, Samuel Sharpe himself, and 
others. One day Mr. Goodwin went up to Highbury 
to carry a piece of real news. It was rumoured that 
a Bishop was coming out among the heretics ; and 
it was thought that the publication of his book would 
cause a greater commotion than even the " Essays 
and Reviews." There was a little disappointment in 
the public mind when it proved that the courageous 
prelate was only a Colonial Bishop, though the agi- 

238 Bishop Colenso on the Pentateuch. [Ch. xil. 

tation caused by the publication of the first part 
of Bishop Colenso's work on the Pentateuch and the 
Book of Joshua quite justified the anticipations 
respecting it. This conscientious and courageous 
book raised a still greater storm than the Essays, 
and, unlike some of the Essayists, the high-minded 
and enlightened Bishop refused to trim his sails 
to the ecclesiastical weather. His faithfulness to 
his convictions gained for him the respect of all 
who can appreciate heroism, whether they agree with 
his opinions or not. That respect, and the knowledge 
that he has done much to advance the true knowledge 
of the Jewish histories, have hitherto been Bishop 
Colenso's only reward. He is one of the noble band 
of men, some of whom are born as the salt of the 
earth in every age, who are willing to suffer for what 
they believe to be the truth. 

Writing in 1869 of the Bishop and his work, 
Samuel Sharpe, under the date of 1864, says : — 

I became acquainted with Bishop Colenso first by meet- 
ing him one evening in company, and then by spending 
two days with him at Dr. Lee's house at Hartwell. I was 
very much impressed with his frank honesty of purpose, 
and was glad to be of use to him, or rather to the cause of 
Biblical criticism, by lecturing sometimes on the Penta- 
teuch and by writing against his opponents. A number of 
Bishops had last year agreed, on the proposal of the 
Speaker, to issue a Commentary on the Bible, which 
should have their joint approval, and set at rest all doubts 
that Dr. Colenso had raised. I have several times called 
the attention of the public through the newspapers to this 
promise, but even now, in 1869, it has not yet made its 
appearance. The Bishops promised an impossibility ; 
namely, that they would get scholars to write such 

1864.] Correspondence with Bishop Colenso. 239 

opinions on the subject as the divines should declare 

The Speaker, afterwards Lord Ossington, did not 
live to see the work he had suggested carried very- 
far. Samuel Sharpe, however, saw the greater 
part of it published, and the fulfilment of his 
anticipation in its uselessness and failure. In 
Bishop Colenso's later visits to England he gladly 
renewed the acquaintance pleasantly begun at Dr. 
Lee's hospitable house at Hartwell. An occasional 
correspondence took place between them, extending 
over several years. The Bishop's letters, some of 
which are of considerable length, contain very care- 
ful and detailed arguments in support of some of his 
own critical conclusions which his correspondent at 
Highbury was unwilling to accept. Mr. Sharpe held, 
contrary to the views of Graf, Kuenen, Reuss, 
Kalisch, and the Bishop of Natal, that the cere- 
monial laws in Leviticus and Numbers were in all 
probability written in the century and a half before 
the end of the reign of Hezekiah. Many of his 
arguments in favour of this view were based on the 
historical veracity of the two Books of Chronicles, 
which Bishop Colenso regards as utterly untrust- 
worthy, except where the Chronicler has copied from 
the Books of Samuel and Kings, and in a few other 
particulars. There are many other smaller points of 
divergence, but these are the chief; and the Bishop's 
letters deal with the various points with that minute 
care which characterizes all his criticisms, and with 
an earnest desire, as expressed in his own words, 
"that we who labour in this field should come 
to agreement as soon as possible and as far as 

240 The Hibbert Trust. [Ch. xil. 

possible, and should avow our agreement, since union 
gives strength in this domain also, and want of har- 
mony between critics on minor points is used as a 
specious argument by the ignorant and indifferent, to 
depreciate all the results of modern criticism." 
There is no reason to believe that this controversial 
correspondence led to any considerable modification 
of divergent views on either side. The letters, how- 
ever, confirmed the friendly feelings of the two 
students towards each other, and left behind a 
strengthened and heightened estimate of the laborious 
earnestness, the complete sincerity, and the admirable 
courage and consistency of the enlightened Bishop. 

Being asked by the Hibbert Trustees in 1863 to 
examine their students in the Greek of the New 
Testament, and the Bible generally, in place of his 
friend Mr. James Yates, Samuel Sharpe accepted the 
duty because, as he says, it enabled him " to press 
these subjects, the latter in particular, upon the 
students, and through them, on their tutors in Man- 
chester New College." He was afterwards invited to 
become a trustee of the Hibbert Fund, but declined 
to do so in the belief that he could do more good as 
an Examiner. It was unfortunate that he did not 
join the Trust. Some years later he sympathized 
strongly with many Unitarians who greatly regretted 
the use made by the Trustees of the large funds 
which had been entrusted to them for Anti-Trini- 
tarian purposes. The examinations were undertaken 
as serious work, and he continued them, with much 
satisfaction, for eight years. 

This year there is a glimpse of holiday occupa- 
tions : — 

1863.] An Ancient British Town. 241 

While spending a few weeks this summer at St. 
Albans to be near Mr. Bonorai, I made what I thought 
an interesting discovery of the limits of the British town 
of the Cassii, which Julius Caesar fought against and took. 
I sent an account of this to Notes and Queries, and two 
years afterwards to the Archasological Society. 

This paper was read to the Archaeological Society 
by Mr. James Yates, F.R.S. It says : — 

I was led to the inquiry by coming upon the " Beech 
Bottom," a very remarkable ditch, about a mile long, which 
may be compared to a deep railway cutting, with earth 
thrown up on both sides, though chiefly southwards, or to- 
wards the town of St. Albans. Its depth may vary from 
twenty to thirty feet. Its banks are covered with woods. It 
is so obviously an ancient military work that I was naturally 
led to search for traces of its continuation, and the con- 
clusion I came to was that the fortified area was about two 
miles and a quarter long and a mile and three-quarters broad, 
enclosing the town of St. Albans. Its breadth is measured 
on the high road from London to Dunstable, and its length, 
at right angles to that road by a line from the river, through 
the Abbey Church, towards the town of Sandridge. Caesar, 
in his " Commentaries on the Gallic War," describes the city 
of Cassivelaunus as fortified by woods and marshes, and 
then holding a large number of men and cattle that had 
come there as a place of safety. And to explain what a 
British town was to his Roman readers, who might expect to 
hear of buildings or at least of dwellings of some kind, he 
observes that when the Britons have fortified, with bank and 
ditch, woods which were otherwise nearly impassable, so that 
they might take refuge there from an incursion of their enemies, 
they called the place a town. He adds that the town of 
Cassivelaunus was in this manner excellently fortified, both 
by nature and art ; and that when he took the plaice he 
found there a large number of cattle. Csesar does not give a 
name to the town, but it was probably called Verulam, the 
name given by the Romans to their fortified camp in the 
neighbourhood. The name of the tribe the Cassii, and that 


242 Roman London. [Ch.xii. 

of their leader Cassivelaunus may yet be traced in Cassiobury, 
the name of the hundred in which St. Albans stands. . . . 

Except at the "Beech Bottom" already described, the 
British ditch has been very much filled up and its space 
reclaimed for the purposes of agriculture, and the yearly 
ploughing has given it an appearance of a natural depression 
in the ground. But here and there we find traces of art 
sufficiently clear to enable us to follow the line of work on the 
map. From the west end of " Beech Bottom," it meets the 
river Ver, opposite to St. Michael's Church ; this is its north- 
west limit. Its south-eastern side begins at Sopwell Mills, on 
the same river, passing by Camp House. It then turns to 
the north, crosses the Hatfield Road, and joins the northern 
end of " Beech Bottom" at the Sandridge road. 

He concludes that we have in the Beech. Bottom 
the oldest work of the hand of man in these islands ; 
the only one that can be shown to have been made 
before Cffisar landed on our shores. 

These antiquarian researches naturally had great 
charm for the historian of Egypt. A few years before 
this holiday discovery he had followed with much care 
the attempt of his friend Mr. Arthur Taylor to fix 
the site and limits of Roman London at its earliest 
date. He arrived .with Mr. Taylor at the conclusion 
that it was much smaller than it is usually described 
to be, a narrow ellipse, according to the fashion of 
a Roman camp. East and west it reached from 
St. Dunstan's to Walbrook, while north and south it 
was included in the space between Fenchurch Street 
and Thames Street. 

It was through his able and energetic brother-in- 
law Mr. Edwin Field that Samuel Sharpe was led to 
take a strong interest in the working of University 
College. In the leisure of his later years he had be- 
come able to devote some of his time to this valu- 

1 866.] Gifts to University College. 243 

able institution. He began by planning with Mr. 
Atkinson, the secretary, and with some of the pro- 
fessors of the College, a few courses of evening 
lectures open to the public at very moderate fees. 
This experiment would, of course, need money to 
carry it through, as the Lecturers could not expect 
much remuneration from their pupils. A donation 
towards this scheme was the first of Mr. Sharpe's 
gifts to the College. These gifts resulted in his 
election on the Council of the College in 1866. "I 
gained their notice," he says, in recording the elec- 
tion, "by a donation towards the establishment of 
evening classes. I was put on the Committee of 
, Management, and rarely absented myself from their 
meetings, and I gave a second sum of money 
towards enlarging the building. This had become 
necessary from the increase of the number of 
students ; and a portion of the south wing was soon 
afterwards built." The second sum of money 
thus modestly spoken of was a gift of ;^ 6,000. 
The question of ways and means was under dis- 
cussion, and there seemed to be no chance of carry- 
ing out the necessary improvement, when Mr. Sharpe 
quietly said, to the surprise of all his colleagues, 
that he would give that amount. The new school 
buildings were at once erected by means of this 
splendid gift. At a later period he gave ^5,000 
towards the extension of the college buildings. To 
the Fund for retired Professors he contributed 
;^3,500; and one of the pleasures of his later years 
was the carrying out of a proposal to catalogue the 
library, which he did at a cost of ;^ 1,000. The 
glazing of the cloisters was also done at his ex- 

R 2 

244 The Chair of Philosophy. [Ch. xil. 

pense ; and for some years he paid the fees at the 
school of a considerable number of boys. 

His election to the Council of University College 
made him a witness of one of the most painful con- 
troversies which have taken place in connection with 
that institution. The retirement in June, 1866, of 
Dr. Hoppus, an Independent minister, who had held 
the chair of Mental Philosophy and Logic from the 
foundation of the College, rendered necessary the 
appointment, of a successor by the Council. The 
Senate of Professors reported that the Rev. James 
Martineau was the most eligible candidate. The 
Council, however, rejected him by the casting-vote 
of the chairman, Lord Belper ; and Mr. Croom 
Robertson, whom the Senate, on a second reference 
by the Council, had reported as exceedingly well 
qualified next to Dr. Martineau, was appointed in 
his stead. The whole story of the controversy and 
its results is told by Mrs. De Morgan in her admir- 
able and interesting life of her husband.* Dr. Mar- 
tineau was rejected because he was an eminent 
Unitarian, and Professor De Morgan resigned his 
Professorship because the College had thus ignored 
and contradicted its fundamental principle of abso- 
lute neutrality in matters of theological belief. Pro- 
fessor De Morgan, in his letter to the chairman of 
the Council, resigning his Professorship, told the 
whole story of this intrigue when he said that 
in the rejection of Dr. Martineau there were two 
cross currents. There was an objection to his 
psychology as well as to his religion ; " the first," 

* Memoir of Augustus De Morgan. By his wife Sophia 
Elizabeth De Morgan : pages 336 to 361. 

i866.] Dr. Martineau' s Candidature. 245 

said Mr. De Morgan, "is too far from atheism to 
please the philosopher, the second too far removed 
from orthodoxy to please the priest." It was the 
philosopher who was most to blame. The Unita- 
rians on the Council could easily have elected Dr. 
Martineau, but some of them were forced into a 
position of neutrality by the charge, which was 
industriously spread abroad by those who were on 
the side of Mr. Grote, that Mr. De Morgan and the 
Unitarians were working to bring in their own candi- 
date. Samuel Sharpe's brief account in his diary of 
the voting on the occasion of Dr. Martineau's rejec- 
tion is of historic interest : — 

When the Senate of University College were considering 
the merits of the candidates for the Professorship of 
Mental Philosophy and Logic, they determined that no 
one could be mentioned as at all equal to the Rev. James 
Martineau. Dr. Hoppus, the retiring Professor, agreed 
with this opinion. Professor Seeley, however, proposed to 
add to the Senate's recommendation the proviso, " if his 
being a Unitarian Minister is not thought a disqualifica- 
tion." Professor De Morgan objected to this, and these 
words were not added. He was simply recommended to 
the Council as the fittest candidate. 

At the meeting of the Council Mr. George Grote pro- 
posed a resolution, that any minister of religion was 
unsuitable for the Professorship ; but this was rejected as 
ex post facto and unjust. 

At the election, however, Mr. Martineau was rejected. 

There voted for him : — 
Sir F. Goldsmid, Jew. 
Dr. Hodgson, Scotch Presbyterian. 
W. Fowler, Quaker. 
Myself, S. S., Unitarian. 

246 Dr. Martineaus Rejection. [Ch. xil. 

Against him : — 

Mr. George Grote, Broad Church. 

Sir E. Ryan, Broad Church. 

Mr. James, Q.C., Colenso's barrister, Broad Church. 

Mr. Charles, Colenso's barrister, Broad Church. 

Lord Belper, chairman, had been a Unitarian. 

Did not vote : — 

Mr. Busk, Unitarian. 
Mr. R. Fowler, Quaker. 

Absent : — 

Mr. Edwin Field, Unitarian. 
Mr. Edward Enfield, Unitarian. 
Mr. H. Crabb Robinson, Unitarian. 

On the morning after the election Samuel Sharpe 
went to Hampstead to call on Dr. Martineau's col- 
league, the Rev. John James Tayler. Dr. Martineau 
had gone to Scotland for his usual summer holiday 
among the hills and the heather, but Mr. Tayler had 
remained behind to await the issue. So many 
members of the Council were away from home, that 
Samuel Sharpe found himself the only member 
present at the election who could carry the details of 
the transaction to Dr. Martineau's friends. He had, 
of course, to tell Mr. Tayler not only of the vote, 
but of the discussion which led up to it, and of the 
strong view Mr. Grote took against Dr. Martineau^ 
both because he was a Unitarian, and because he 
was a minister. He told the story with so much 
sympathy for Dr. Martineau — from whom he differed, 
as he did also from Mr. Tayler, as to the use of 
the word Unitarian, to describe their free, spiritual 
theology, — that Mr. Tayler exclaimed with warmth, 
"Almost thou persuadest me to be a Unitarian." 

isee.jMr. De Morgan and Dr. Martineau. 247 

When the College re-opened in the autumn, Mr. 
Sharpe went to hear the opening address of the new 
Professor, Mr. Croom Robertson, to whom, of course, 
he had no personal antagonism, or objection. He 
had no sympathy with the school of Mr. Alexander 
Bain, to which Mr. Croom Robertson was known to 
belong, and decidedly leaned to Dr. Martineau's philo- 
sophical views. But it was not this leaning which had 
influenced him. His advocacy of the claims of the 
most eminent member of the Unitarian body to this 
important chair, was entirely due to his sense of the 
immense superiority of Dr. Martineau's qualifications 
over those of all other candidates. He had in view 
only the interests of the College. Like Professor 
De Morgan, he was anxious that it should remain 
faithful to its fundamental principle of religious 
neutrality ; he had also the further desire that the 
ablest and most eminent men who could be got 
should be encouraged to join its Professorate. Mr. 
Grote, on the other hand, wished his own views to 
be represented in the teaching of the chair. 

Samuel Sharpe, and the three members of the 
Council who voted with him, differed from Dr. 
Martineau in very many respects. Though the 
comprehensive name of Unitarian included both 
the eminent Principal of Manchester New College 
and the author of the History of Egypt, they were 
far asunder in their mode of reaching kindred con- 
clusions, and in the form in which they held them. 
Samuel Sharpe may be spoken of as a Biblical 
Unitarian. His intensely practical mind, and his 
business training, joined with his great though 
rational reverence for the Bible, made him long 

248 Philosophical Views. [Ch. XIL 

for definite views expressed in Scripture language. 
But no Unitarian could be prouder than he was of 
Dr. Martineau's genius, nor more delighted with his 
splendid vindication of the spiritual philosophy 
against the materialism of Bain, and the apparent 
materialism of Dr. Tyndall and other men of 
science. He read Miss Cobbe's striking essay on 
Intuitive Morals with full sympathy, and listened 
with pleasure to the talk of his friend, Mr. R. W. 
Mackay, in his enthusiastic exposition and defence of 
the transcendental philosophy. He could not ascend 
with Mackay into the higher heaven of Kantian 
speculation ; but looked up at it with some wonder 
from below. He admired Channing's writings 
for the elevation of tone which pervades them, the 
transcendental glow which shines through them, the 
presence in every page of that kindling power of 
disinterested love and faith, the absence of which 
and the presence in its place of the utilitarian 
philosophy made some of the older Unitarians so 
clear and cold. 

The study of the Hebrew Scriptures now began 
more and more to absorb his time. It fell in with, 
and was in some degree a continuation of, his Egyp- 
tian studies. The two lines of inquiry greatly helped 
each other. The ancient monuments threw light on 
many obscure passages in the prophets and historians 
of the Old Testament, and it is one characteristic 
both of his translation and of his illustrative com- 
ments that the Egyptologist comes in to the aid of 
the Biblical critic. In 1866 he published a small 
volume entitled "Texts from the Holy Bible explained 
by the help of the Ancient Monuments." This was 

1 868.] Hebrew Studies. 249 

a very striking and interesting contribution to a better 
popular knowledge of what the writers meant. It 
was illustrated with a large number of woodcuts, 
chiefly drawn by Mr. Bonomi, with some assistance 
from Miss Emily Sharpe. It is a little book of 
permanent value and interest ; from the side-lights 
it throws upon expressions which were familiar 
enough when they were written, but which have 
been made difficult to understand by the changed 
conditions under which they have now to be read. 

The repeated readings of the Hebrew Bible which 
were rendered needful by his efforts as a translator 
led to another work. To go through the Old Testa- 
ment carefully, making use of the Concordance in 
order to weigh the exact value of every word, usually 
took about twelve months. He was thus occupied 
through the whole of 1867 ; and in 1868 he published 
a small volume of 72 pages on the Chronology of the 
reigns of the Hebrew Kings and the texts that sup- 
ported his arrangement. It contained also a chrono- 
logy of Christ's Ministry, in which he fixes the date 
and hour of the Crucifixion as Thursday, April the 
14th, at noon, the day of the Preparation of the Pass- 
over. In the next year he published " The History 
of the Hebrew Nation and its Literature." He 
described this work as being his former " Historic 
Notes " treated in an inverse order ; by taking each 
separate portion of the Hebrew Scriptures in the 
order of its age and putting it into its place in 
history, instead of attempting to explain the books 
one by one as they stand in the Bible, as he does in 
the " Historic Notes." He had read with some 
admiration Mr. Francis Newman's " History of the 

250 The True Value of the Bible. [Ch. xii. 

Hebrew Monarchy," and had in some degree made 
that work the model of his own. In the Preface to 
the first edition of this book his view of the Bible 
is clearly expressed : — 

The History of the Hebrew Nation must be carefully studied 
if we would understand the Bible. The Hebrew writings are 
the well-spring of our religious thoughts, they furnish the key 
to the Christian Scriptures, and they are the Ark which during 
so many centuries has held safe from the attacks of Paganism, 
that great religious truth that the Almighty Creator of the 
world is One, simple and undivided. But these writings have 
come down to our time in a very confused condition ; that part 
of the Bible called the Old Testament contains writings, some 
of which must be dated in every one of the eleven centuries 
before the Christian Era. Not only are they put together with 
very little regard to date, but the writers in many instances did 
not scruple to weave their new matter into the old fabric. 
Writings which have been handed down in manuscript, at the 
mercy of every scribe who made a new copy, were naturally 
altered from time to time both by receiving additions and by 
suffering curtailment, and again by having two pieces joined 
into one or one piece cut in two. It is easy to show cases of 
all these alterations. Thus the Book of the Law, of which the 
earliest part may have belonged to David's or Solomon's reign, 
received additions long after the fall of the monarchy. The 
Books of Ezra and Nehemiah seem both to have been cur- 
tailed of matter that they once contained. The Prophecies of 
David cannot have been the work of fewer than six authors 
living at as many different times ; nor can the short Book of 
Zechariah be otherwise than made up of writings that belong 
to three different centuries. The Psalms belong to every cen- 
tury from David's reign to that of Antiochus Epiphanes. Such 
being the confused state in which the Hebrew Scriptures have 
reached us, no commentary on them can be so valuable as the 
attempt to ascertain the date of each part. 

The great value of the Hebrew books arises from the firm 
belief of the writers in one God as the Creator and Governor of 
the world, and from the readiness with which they acknowledge 
His will as the cause of everything that befalls the nation. 

1869.] "History of the Hebrew Nation." 251 

Their misfortunes are treated as God's punishment for their 
sins ; their blessings as His reward for obedience to His laws. 
So strong was their trust in God's guidance that they thought 
not only conscience but reason also spoke His direct commands. 
The prophet whose zeal in the cause of justice and religion 
raised him to become a teacher of his countrymen, claimed to 
have a message from Jehovah, and the priest who gave answer 
to the questions that were brought before him, whether of moral 
duty or of civil justice, spoke in the name of Jehovah. It is 
this strong religious feeling which gives to the Hebrew books 
their value. 

This book went through several editions, growing 
in size and completeness with each issue. The first 
edition, in 1869, was a small volume of 232 pages ; 
the fourth edition, issued by Messrs. Williams and 
Norgate in 1882, is a handsome octavo of 455 pages. 
This posthumous edition contains the many addi- 
tions and corrections he had left behind ready for 
the printer. The Hebrew Chronology is added to 
this volume as an appendix ; and the book in the 
form in which it is thus posthumously published 
contains the ripe results of the Biblical studies of 
its author's whole life. The publication of the first 
edition occurred soon after his New Testament began 
to attract general notice, and he remarks that his 
venturing to translate the New Testament was at 
first frowned upon, and that it was only after the 
translation had been five-and-twenty years before the 
public that it began to be looked upon with favour. 
He anticipates the same fate for the " History of 
the Hebrew Nation." 

His New Testament got gradually into notice and 
favour as public interest in the question of revision 
increased. He found out by an accident that it had 

252 The New Testament Translated. [Ch. xil. 

been published at too high a price, and thus the 
result of what the publisher thought the failure of 
the fourth edition was a very widely extended sale. 
Under the date of 1862 he writes : — 

In this year the publishers of my New Testament, 
finding the sale of the fourth edition very unsatisfactory, 
sold off a large remainder of 1,500 copies to the bookstalls 
at a few pence a copy. This was no loss to them, and to 
me it was in every way satisfactory. The purchasers 
bound it, and sold it at a shilling a copy, and the sale 
soon rose to one hundred and fifty per month. Then for 
the first time I learned at what price the public wished 
for the book. The publisher even had to buy back a 
hundred copies for his own trade. Upon this I made 
arrangements with another publisher, Mr. J. R. Smith, 
that he should print a fifth edition of 5,000 copies, to be 
sold at eighteenpence a copy. This he did at the end of 
this year, and the sale continued at a hundred a month for 
some little time. It then declined a little, making an 
average during these years (1862 to 1869) of about six 
hundred a year. This brought it into some notice. The 
orthodox religious reviews pronounced it thoroughly im- 
partial, and the best translation extant. One or two 
Calvinistic papers alone found fault with it. Upon that 
my Unitarian friends took courage and began to recom- 
mend it. Its sale, however, remains confined to the more 
humble ranks of society ; and it is quite clear that if I had 
put notes, and thus made it a more expensive book, it 
would not have gained the notice even of those who now 
ask for the notes. 

The sale of this translation of the New Testament, 
and of the new version of the Old Testament, which 
proceeded side by side with it, showed a growing 
feeling in the public mind of dissatisfaction with 

1870.] Convocation and Revision. 253 

the Authorized Version, and of desire to know 
more accurately what prophets and historians and 
psalmists under the older religion, and apostles and 
evangelists of Christian times, had actually written. 
The " Critical Notes on the Authorized Version," 
of which a second edition was issued in 1866, con- 
tributed to this result. This book, as has been 
already said, consisted of a collection of passages in 
which the Greek of the New Testament has been 
incorrectly translated, each passage being gramati- 
cally explained and carefully amended. The volume 
could not be said to have done its work until King 
James's translation should be set aside, and it was 
kept in print. Samuel Sharpe also now printed 
a four-page tract called '" Controversial Texts Cor- 
rected," containing more than a dozen of what he 
thought to be the most important mistakes in the 
Authorized Version. This tract was several times 
reprinted for distribution, and was found useful in 
the controversy. It seemed like a happy sequel to 
these efforts when, in May, 1870, the Southern Con- 
vocation resolved that a revised translation of the 
Scriptures should be undertaken, and two Companies 
of Revisers were formed for the purpose. The Con- 
vocation, in a spirit of liberality which deserves the 
most cordial recognition, not only nominated a body 
of its own members to undertake the work of 
revision, but left them, in the words of the resolu- 
tion, ■' at liberty to invite the co-operation of any 
eminent for scholarship, to whatever nation or reli- 
gious body they may belong." The resolution passed 
in this liberal and comprehensive spirit was carried 
out with equal impartiality. Samuel Sharpe was 

254 The Revision Undertaken. [Ch.xii. 

one of four scholars of the Unitarian body to whom 
a message was sent asking them to choose among 
themselves, or to advise application to, some scholar 
of their own opinions who might sit in the Company 
of the New Testament revisers. He declined the 
honour for himself. He felt that had he been young 
enough to do the work required, he had an over- 
whelming reason for keeping aloof, as he was still 
busy in correcting and superintending the issue of 
successive editions of his own translation. He could 
not, moreover, be sanguine enough to hope that the 
Revision thus undertaken would be complete enough 
to satisfy him, or would not be injured by com- 
promises between divergent views. He cordially 
recommended Dr. Vance Smith as the Unitarian 
member of the Revision Committee, and his appoint- 
ment gave Mr. Sharpe, as it did all Unitarians, very 
great satisfaction. 

In recording the resolution passed by Convoca- 
tion calling the Revision Companies into existence, 
Samuel Sharpe notes that his own translation of the 
New Testament had by this time " gained full notice 
and unwilling approval ; " and he had reasons for 
thinking that its wide circulation had some influ- 
ence in moving the Southern Convocation to make 
their remarkable proposal. One of the Bishops, in 
urging Convocation to take up the work, had said, 
" If you do not do it, the Dissenters will." One 
Dissenter had, in fact, already done it. In 1869 he 
had begun to stereotype a sixth edition, and each 
successive issue contained fresh emendations, and 
was brought up to the latest results of his studies 
and investigations. About 9,500 copies of the first 

His Own Translation Complete. 255 

five editions had been printed, and at the end of 
1868 only a hundred copies still remained in the 
hands of the publisher. His new edition in 1869 
consisted of 1,000 copies, and it was followed by 
1,500 more in 1870. This made 12,000. In 1874 
the thirteenth thousand was printed, and in 1881 
the fourteenth thousand. This was independent of 
the edition, which was the eighth, contained in the 
beautiful stereotyped Holy Bible published by 
Messrs. Williams and Norgate at the close of 1880. 

The " History of the Hebrew Nation " was also 
• selling steadily at this time, and a translation into 
German was issued by Dr. Jolowicz. The German 
translator shortened the book, and made many 
changes in it, which modified its views, and thus gave 
its author much displeasure. A second edition of 
"Texts from the Bible Explained " was also asked 
for, and issued by Mr. Russell Smith with the usual 
additions and emendations of the author. So far 
as printing and publishing was concerned this was 
the busiest period of his life. " In 1870," he says, 
" I printed more than I had ever done before ; first 
the ' Decree of Canopus,' 250 copies ; next the 1,500 
more copies of the New Testament ; then a fifth 
edition of the ' History of Egypt ' with the plates, 
stereotyped ; and lastly, I began to print the second 
edition of the ' Hebrew Scriptures Translated,' with 
the corrections which I had prepared." This was 
the work of part of the first and great part of 
the second year of his eighth decade, for he was 
seventy-one in March, 1870. 

His eldest daughter draws the following picture 
of his interests and activities during these years : — 

256 A Busy Old Age. [Ch.xii. 

" Those were exciting days when the nation 
was beginning to pay attention to matters that 
had so long been the subject of my father's quiet 
study. Through these years of lessening bodily 
activity his friends could see only an increasing 
activity and versatility of mind. So fertile was he 
in new thoughts in these years that rarely would 
a morning rise that he did not come out of his bed- 
room to the eight o'clock breakfast piping hot with 
some paragraph that must be inserted into one of 
his books, some letter that must be written, some 
article for the Unitarian papers that had been 
planned in bed, some hard point of translation he 
had been ruminating upon, and that he must at the 
moment consult Lexicon and grammar upon — some- 
thing, in short, of whatever nature it might be, that 
he must absolutely settle his mind upon and put 
down upon paper before he could sit down to the 
table and put a mouthful into his mouth. And to 
this as to his other meals, breakfast, dinner, or tea, 
he usually came with a sheet of paper in his hand, 
being the words he had been busied upon when 
called to the meal, and these he would read aloud 
to his family upon the spur of the moment. It was 
in this way that without pre-arrangement the greater 
part of his works were read aloud at home and 
nearly all his bright sparkling articles on religious 
politics, which in early days were printed in the 
Inquirer, and in later years in the Christian Life 
were read over, talked over, laughed over, and some- 
times added to and re-written before they were sent 
to the papers," 

The translation of the " Decree of Canopus " was 

iSyo.] " The Decree of Canopus." 257 

his next work. Three years before this time the 
Germans had dug up in Egypt a tablet with a 
bi-lingual inscription, Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
It is a Decree issued by the priests of Egypt, in 
the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes, B.C. 238, similar in 
many respects to the Rosetta Stone in the British 
Museum, but some forty years more ancient. 
Samuel Sharpe no sooner got hold of the German 
publication of this new tablet, than he perceived the 
immense help it might give to the student of 
Hieroglyphics. He therefore lithographed the plates 
from the German work, and set himself to translate 
the Decree into English ; and he printed it " with 
an examination of the hieroglyphical characters." 
In this work, which was published in 1869, he once 
more showed his large differences from Dr. Lepsius 
and other hieroglyphical scholars ; but was content 
with simply owning the fact and not entering into 
controversy about it. The enlarged knowledge of 
hieroglyphical characters gained from the study of 
the " Decree of Canopus " enabled him to translate 
the Rosetta Stone more correctly than he had 
hitherto done, and in 1871 he lithographed and pub- 
lished the inscriptions on the Rosetta Stone in a 
thin volume by itself, Hieroglyphics and Greek, 
with a translation, an explanation of the hiero- 
glyphics, and a list of kings' names. 

The history of these two publications may illus- 
trate the modest and simple-minded way in which 
Samuel Sharpe through his whole life accustomed 
himself to revise his old opinions and his old doings ; 
amending them, setting right his mistakes, and 
enlarging his views at every opportunity afforded 

258 Support of Unitarian Worship. [Ch.xii. 

to him. It is not every author who can bring him- 
self to do this. In his preface to the translation of 
the Rosetta Stone he alludes to the expression of 
a fellow-student — " But we do not want to go to 
school again." He also speaks of some of the 
earlier attempts to read the Hieroglyphics, as — 

ingenious but unproved guesses, many of which may now 
be brought to the test of the greater certainty which can 
be gained from the " Decree of Canopus.'' This re-exami- 
nation of received opinion, this going to school again, is, 
however, a troublesome task, which some minds do not 
readily submit to. Hence the cold reception of the 
" Decree of Canopus," and the unfavoiirable opinion ex- 
pressed of the Author's publication ■ in some Reviews. 
One critic says: "We have got beyond all that" 
Another calls the Author's publication "a mischievous 
work," as unsettling the received and " orthodox " opinions. 
A third thinks that what we learn from the " Decree of 
Canopus," and its Greek translation, should be judged by 
the results which ingenuity may have derived from the 
untranslated inscriptions, and would thus try to decypher 
the ignotum per ignotius. 

During the whole of the period since he had left 
business he had taken a lively interest in the affairs 
of the Unitarian body, and had spent much time 
and money in promoting the interests of Unitarian 
Christianity. He had printed tracts, delivered 
lectures, encouraged the building of chapels, and 
promoted all the missionary eff"orts which a period 
of religious revival called forth. He and his 
family had joined the congregation of which the 
Rev. Robert Spears was then the energetic 
minister, in Stamford Street, Blackfriars Road. 

1870.] Dislike of Florid Services. 259 

He did this, passing by Unity Church, Islington, 
on his way, from preference for a plain service over 
an ornate one, and for the old Presbyterian form over 
a liturgy. Some years before this he had assisted 
Mo Spears in the establishment of a new kind of 
missionary agency in London called the London 
Lay Preachers' Union. He thought that the diffi- 
culty of supporting small congregations might be 
met by educated laymen undertaking to conduct 
religious services and to cultivate the habit of speak- 
ing on religious subjects. 

As to the surroundings of the service, he held 
very distinct and strongly formed opinions. His 
dislike of Gothic buildings as places for Protestant 
worship has already been mentioned. He pre- 
ferred four plain walls to "long-drawn aisles and 
fretted vault," clear glass and ample illumination to 
" storied windows richly dight, casting a dim, religious 
light ; " and a minister in plain coat to any imitation 
of gowned teacher or robed priest. He was anxious 
that the forms and ceremonies of worship should not 
be misleading to the worshipper. He was keenly 
awake to the powerful sway which music and archi- 
tecture exert over all our minds, and he believed 
that he had seen in many examples around him, 
in what direction a florid service draws individuals 
and congregations. Hence, he was strongly op- 
posed to every kind of ritualism, disliked liturgical 
services and musical responses, and preferred the 
Puritan hymn to the more ancient chant. But 
even on these points he thought more of substance 
than of form, and for the sake of preaching with 
which he was in sympathy, consented to put up 

S 2 

26o What is Needed in Sermons. [Ch.xii. 

with a liturgical service and with musical responses 
in the Free Christian Church, in Clarence Road, 
Kentish Town, at which place he became a regular 
attendant during the last years of his life. His 
objection to ornate services — which in this case he 
consented to waive, but did not in any way modify — 
was based on the grounds that the love of beauty 
is not religion, and that too much ministering to 
the sense may keep us from feeling the spirit of 
worship. For the same reasons he was strongly 
opposed to the introduction into the pulpit of any- 
thing that was not directly connected with practical 
religion or with theological discussion. Philosophy, 
criticism, science, politics, were everywhere in place to 
him except in a sermon ; were always of interest and 
importance, except in the hour set apart for prayer 
and praise and thoughts of God. " I want religion, 
and not science or speculation," he was accustomed 
to say with respect to the services of Sunday. And 
by religion he meant everything that relates us to 
the Unseen, and that brings into operation the dis- 
interested motives inspired by the Love of God. 
As Christ is the Christian ideal, the object of Chris- 
tian teaching should be to make the people feel 
his life of spiritual motives to be the pattern of 
their own. 

With all this desire to promote the simplicity and 
spirituality of religious services, he united a very 
lively interest in the propagandism of Unitarian 
views at home and abroad. There might often be 
seen in his library or dining-room a great bill 
announcing some course of Unitarian Lectures, the 
expense of which had been paid by him. The 

1870.] What Chapels should be. 261 

Transylvanian students at Manchester New College 
were invited to his house, and the translation of his 
Unitarian tracts into Italian and Welsh gave him as 
much satisfaction as the translation of his Egypto- 
logical works into German. A large placard contain- 
ing an outline of Unitarian Christianity, printed in 
Italian by Signor Bracciforti, for posting in the 
streets of Florence, long had a place of honour on 
his walls. Similar placards posted in London by 
the Rev. Robert Spears had similar support and 
approval. If an enterprising Unitarian minister 
saw an opening for sowing a little seed of Liberal 
thought in some town which was given over to 
orthodoxy, he had only to write to Mr. Sharpe and 
show a clear case, and the money for the enterprise 
was pretty sure to be sent in the course of a post or 
two. Every appeal for help to build or enlarge a 
Unitarian chapel was usually submitted to him in the 
first place. His help in such cases was liberal, but 
by no means indiscriminate. No money of his went 
for mere ornament and vanity, he exacted a pledge 
that it should be for use alone. He had the plans 
before him, and took the trouble to investigate them. 
If the building was a Gothic one, he would make it 
a condition of his help that the pulpit should be 
placed in the middle and not on one side, and that 
there should be no altar. If a congregation wished 
to spend money in stained glass, or carvings, or 
other ornament, they did not even ask for help from 
Highbury. If, being Unitarians, they were too timid 
to call themselves so, they rarely got much counte- 
nance from Mr. Sharpe. He preferred, moreover, to 
give large aid to small congregations, rather than to 

262 Sympathy with Joseph Arch. [Ch.xii. 

assist those who could help themselves. The prin- 
ciple which ran all through his life was that of 
befriending the poor rather than cultivating the 
society of the rich ; and it was carried consistently 
into the munificent distribution of his money in the 
help of Unitarian ministers and congregations. He 
never made a gift without clearly ascertaining that 
it would be well bestowed. 

It was not always needful that direct application 
should be made to him for help. He sometimes went 
out of his way to give aid to movements which had 
enlisted his sympathy. One example of this liberality 
is worth notice, as indicating not only the breadth of 
his sympathy with the poor, but his political and 
social leanings. When the movement of the agri- 
cultural labourers first began to attract attention in 
1872, Mr. Arthur Clayden, who had become a member 
of a Consultative Committee, formed to assist the 
National Agricultural Labourers' Union, and who 
afterwards wrote a history of the agitation under the 
title of " The Revolt of the Field," made an appeal in 
a letter to the Nonconformist for pecuniary help. In 
a day or two he received a letter from Mr. Sharpe, to 
whom he was personally a stranger, asking where he 
could send some pecuniary gift. The result was that 
Mr. Arch got a cheque for fifty pounds. This is only 
one instance among many of quiet and unnoticed 
help being given, not because he was personally 
applied to, but from his own desire to help a suffering 
person or a struggling cause. Many a poor minister 
has been gladdened by such unsolicited gifts from 
this generous friend. 

When he had just attained his seventieth year he 

1870.] The Unitarian Association. 263 

was asked to become President of the British and 
Foreign Unitarian Association. He says in his 
autobiographical notes, that he accepted the office 
very unwillingly; "but to have refused," he adds, 
" would have looked like affected humility. I had 
for many years given all such countenance and 
encouragement as I could to missionary efforts for 
the spread of Unitarianism ; and at this time the 
tide seemed turning a little in our favour. At least 
the sect had ceased to lessen, and since 1864 the 
number of Unitarian ministers had increased." The 
duties of this office occupied a good deal of his 
attention between Whitsuntide 1869 and Whitsun- 
tide 1870. The Rev. Robert Brook Aspland was 
then Honorary Secretary of the Association, with 
the Rev. Robert Spears as Assistant Secretary ; and 
the head-quarters of the Association were in a small 
narrow room over Mr. Whitfield's shop at 178, Strand. 
It was a year of much excitement in ecclesiastical 
politics. The Bill for the Disestablishment of the 
Irish Church was before Parliament, and received the 
cordial support of the Association and its President. 
He approved of this tardy act of justice, however, 
for somewhat different reasons from those which 
moved some of his Unitarian friends ; as he was an 
opponent of the principle of State Churches, was 
alive to the immense injury they inflict on religion 
and the obstacles they offer to the progress of opinion 
in religious matters, and looked forward to the time 
as not very far distant when, in England and Scot- 
land as well as in Ireland, the last stone of the vener- 
able edifice of religious inequality and theological 
favouritism should be thrown down to the ground. 

264 Welcome to Chunder Sen. [Ch. xil. 

The visit to England of the founder of the Brahmo 
Somaj, the Baboo Keshub Chunder Sen, took place 
before the year of his presidency of the Unitarian 
Association closed. A meeting was held at the 
Hanover Square rooms to welcome the Indian re- 
former, over which as President of the Unitarian 
Association it was his duty to preside. The variety 
of religious bodies represented on the platform gave 
him the liveliest satisfaction. Lord Lawrence, who 
had returned from his successful administration of 
the Indian Government little more than a year 
before, Dean Stanley, Dr. Martineau, Dr. Mullens 
the eminent Congregationalist, besides representa- 
tives of the Wesleyans and the Baptists, united in 
paying respect to the distinguished representative of 
the cause of Indian reformation. Dr. Marks was also 
present, and his admirable speech was greatly wel- 
comed and praised. The assembly was something 
more than a union of Christians among themselves ; 
it was a union in which they shook hands with those 
who, like the Jewish doctor on the one hand and the 
Indian reformer on the other, are beyond the bounds 
of Christianit}'. 




The family history which has been narrated in this 
volume draws to its close as the eighth decade of the 
century advances. It is not often that a biographer 
has to look back over a complete domestic history, 
and to tell the story of one whole generation 
of a family from its beginning to its end. Very 
rarely indeed does the story of the children of one 
father stretch out, as this does, over a hundred years. 
Catharine Sharpe, the eldest sister, was born on the 
2nd May, 1782, and Samuel Sharpe, the last surviving 
brother died on July 28th, 1881. The hundredth 
year is thus touched, and a few more months would 
have completed the century covered by the two lives 
of this brother and sister. All the rest of the family 
group fell by the way. There is nothing more 
striking than to watch the movement of a family, as 
in this biography, through its history of a hundred 
years. The six younger children, who were left to 
the care of their elder sister in the sixth year of the 
first decade of the present century, entered on the 
second and third decades as an unbroken group, and 
thence onwards one fell off with every decennial 
period, till only one was left to look over as it were 
into the ninth decade, touch the hundredth year of 

266 Results of Early Training. [Ch. XIII. 

the family life, and then follow all the rest along the 
predestined and inevitable way. Mary Sharpe, then 
Mrs. Edwin Field, died in 1S31 ; Sutton, the eldest 
brother, was taken in 1843 ; the youngest, Daniel, 
followed him in 1856, surviving the eldest sister, 
Catharine,' by three years; in 1870, seven months 
before the completion of the seventh decade William 
Sharpe had died ; in the eighth decade, the death of 
his last surviving brother Henry in 1873 had left 
Samuel Sharpe alone. 

The success of Catharine Sharpe's early effort to 
preserve in the young group committed to her care 
the sense of family life is another marked feature 
in the story. The brothers never lost sight of one 
another. There was no scattering except by death ; 
and they were much to one another to the last. Her • 
training, and the excellent social influences with 
which their youth had been surrounded, had as their 
result the uniform though varied success of all the 
brothers. There were striking differences between 
them ; but each left behind him a large circle of 
attached and admiring friends, and each deserved 
and received the recognition due to valuable public 

The last mention of William Sharpe in the pre- 
ceding chapters v/as of his careful editing, as one of 
the executors of his uncle Samuel Rogers, of the 
interesting and valuable volume of Rogers's " Recol- 
lections." He had been in practice as a solicitor from 
1826 ; and during the forty-four years over which his 
practice extended he made a very large number of 
personal and professional friends. He was distin- 
guished for the warm personal sympathy which he 

1826-70.] William Sharpe. 267 

carried into professional relations. Many private 
testimonies to this sympathy were given after his 
death by men who said that his careful attention 
to their affairs, his cautious advice, and his habit 
of thoroughness, had saved them from ruin. His 
patience in the mastering of minute and difficult 
details brought him the complete confidence of more 
than one generation of successful pleaders at the 
bar. Many of them have said - that they always 
felt safe when the case was in William Sharpe's 
hands. He had given much attention to the Bank- 
ruptcy laws, and on one occasion was consulted 
by the Lord Chancellor as to a Bill which was next 
day to be introduced into Parliament. He sat 
over the Bill during a good part of the night, 
and hurried off early the next morning to make 
prompt report that the scheme was impracticable. 
"You are quite right," said the Lord Chancellor 
with a characteristic shrug and smile ; " the Bill 
won't 'work, but it must pass, for we have promised 
the places." The Bill was passed, and, as he 
expected, it did not work. But the places had 
been given, and when, very shortly afterwards, a 
change was made, the placemen were compensated. 
The very last legal papers that came into his hands 
in 1 870 were from Lord Hatherley and Lord Cairns, 
asking for further revision and review of some 
matters connected with the Judicature Act, which he 
had assisted in preparing. 

This may be described as amateur work, under- 
taken from purely public motives. A good deal of 
such work comes into the hands of any successful 
lawyer who has pubhc spirit enough to do it; and 

268 W. Sharpe as a Lawyer. [Ch. xili. 

who commands the complete confidence of the pro- 
fession. There is no higher testimony to a man than 
this professional confidence and esteem. Lawyers 
are the most severe critics of each other ; and where 
they give trust and admiration to members of their 
own profession, the public outside may be always 
quite sure that it is fully deserved. In William 
Sharpe's case there was no cultivation of the arts of 
popularity. He did not desire to go into public life. 
His chief literary work was the editing of the " Recol- 
lections " of his uncle Rogers ; and the preface and 
notes which he attached to this work give striking 
evidence of the care and thoroughness with which he 
did everything he undertook. This may be said to 
have been his characteristic. His business life was 
spent in the steady, careful, and successful practice 
of his profession, in the service of his clients, and in 
promotion of the interests of the profession itself As 
a member of the Council of the Incorporated Law 
Society, and at one time its President, he did the 
whole body valuable and important service. In the 
words of their resolution, passed after his death, 
" He was always ready to deal promptly and judi- 
ciously with matters connected with the profession, 
and as the head of a large agency office, and possess- 
ing great practical knowledge, combined with a high 
sense of professional honour, his loss will long be 
felt by his professional brethren." 

His life at home had all been lived in the house to 
which he had removed in 1844 ; where most of his 
children had been born, and where he died. He had 
a full share with all of his brothers and his two sisters 
in the good taste and love of art which were heredi- 

I844-70-] His Home Life, and Death. 269 

tary in the family. He, as well as his sister Mary, 
inherited his father's artistic gift, and much of his 
happy leisure was spent in its cultivation. There is 
no more delightful form of recreation for a busy 
man, and they are greatly to be envied who can turn 
to it — whether in the form of pencil drawing, painting, 
sculpture, or music — in the intervals of work. It 
has already been said that his great natural talent as 
a draughtsman had, in early days, suggested his 
adoption of another profession from that which he 
eventually followed, and it was perhaps fortunate 
that this delightful gift, could, all his life, be used for 
recreation. He was apt, in his conscientious anxiet}'' 
to do the best for his clients, sometimes to carry 
their cases home with him ; to their advantage doubt- 
less, and to nobody's discomfort but his own. Like 
his brothers Samuel and Henry, he was essentially a 
domestic man, a lover of home, and beloved at home. 
He died, after an illness of some months, on the 
20th of May, 1870, in the sixty-sixth year of his 

There is yet another form of public service 
which this glance back over a family history reveals. 
Not one of these successful men lived to himself. 
They were all disciples of the Gospel of Public 
Duty. It has often been asked why so small a 
body as the Unitarians should have had in it so 
many eminent names, should hold so large a space 
in the Nonconformist representation in Parliament, 
and should be what Mr. Trevelyan calls " the most 
over-represented sect in the Kingdom." Mr. Treve- 
fy-an indirectly suggests an answer to the question in 

270 Religion of Public Spirit. [Ch. Xlll. 

his Life of ]\Iacaulay, by saying that "men are not 
Avilling to attend the religious worship of people who 
believe less than themselves, or to vote at elections 
for people who believe more than themselves."* 
This is only a partial explanation. Another reason 
is derived from the absence in the minds of most 
Unitarians of any sense of the ecclesiastical and 
pietistic distinction between secular and religious 
duties. Their view of life and of their relation to the 
world and its work differs from that of the eccle- 
siastic on the one hand, or of the evangelical on the 
other. They are not narrowed into Churchmen, nor 
drilled into Dissenters. A Unitarian is a Man of the 
World, and sees no trail of the serpent over it all. 
He is not afraid to enjoy life ; and he thinks it his 
duty to help others to enjoy it also. Ever>'thing 
that makes the world a little brighter for other 
people, brings out their intelligence, developes 
their taste, sharpens their intellectual faculties, im- 
proves their morals, and makes them honest men, 
is, in his view, part of God's senice. The Unitarian 
religion comes out in fact far less in what the popu- 
lace regard zs being religious than in being public- 
spirited. The public spirit rests on a basis of reli- 
gious dutj', the love of God comes out in the love 
and service of man. 

All this was illustrated in the lives of these 
brothers. Perhaps it was most exhibited in the one 
who of them all came least before the public, and 
lived his acti\'e, cultivated, and useful life quite out 
of the public eye. Henry Sharpe continued in busi- 
* " Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay," vi. p. 289. 

I84I-73-1 Henry Sharpe. 271 

ness to the end of his life, and devoted a great 
part of his leisure to the teaching and improve- 
ment of the young shopmen, and many of the 
working men of Hampstead. He had classes of 
them at his house, where he read with them, 
encouraged them to learn and superintended their 
studies. For many years one or two of these 
young men, who had no other leisure for such work, 
went to his house before breakfast, and received 
lessons from him in French or Latin. For years also 
he went one morning in the week to teach Latin to 
a few of the top boys in Harp Alley School. Their 
exercises were constantly arriving by post, and were 
carefully corrected and returned. Many pupils were 
thus taught by means of correspondence. This love 
of communicating knowledge was its own reward. 
The young men thus taught looked up to him with 
the liveliest admiration and gratitude, regarded him 
as a friend and benefactor, asked his advice, consulted 
him on all their affairs, and were always sure of wise 
counsel and sympathetic action. They went their 
several ways, to all parts of. the world, but never 
forgot their generous friend at home. Letters came 
from America and the colonies, expressive of their 
gratitude, and he was always made to feel that in 
their confidence and esteem, and even more in the 
■great advantages they had gained from his instruc- 
tion, he had a rich reward for his self-denying efforts 
on their behalf 

He did this work not merely, out of a great love 
for teaching and great capacity for it, but from a simple 
desire to do good. He was a great reader of the 

272 Work at' H amp stead. [Ch. xill. 

classics and of the best literature, and often read 
aloud to his children in the evening. They could 
not feel that they were neglected in the beneficent 
efforts to instruct others, for he gave them continuous 
help in their studies and was interested in directing 
their reading. In conjunction with Mr. Evans and 
the Rev. Richard King (then curate of the parish 
church), he established in 1844 the Hampstead 
Reading Rooms, which were for many years the only 
institution of the kind in the town. He spent a 
good deal of time at these rooms in evening classes, 
and in the general management, which soon fell into 
his hands. The first drinking fountain within the 
Metropohtan district was set up at his expense in 
1859, and he soon followed it by two more. The 
first seats on Haverstock Hill and some of those 
on Hampstead Heath were also placed where they 
are, at his cost and on his design, and he was one 
of the most active promoters of the movement 
by which Hampstead Heath was saved from the 
encroachments of the builders and dedicated to 
the public use for ever. He shrank from any 
public recognition of the great services he had 
thus rendered the people of Hampstead, but after 
his death a handsome memorial tablet, with a life- 
sized medallion portrait, was erected by subscrip- 
tion in the Parish Church. This was done by 
his old pupils, some sixty of whom, at home and 
in the colonies, joined in asking the sanction of his 
family to this public expression of their gratitude. 
The inscription sums up in simple and touching 
words the story of his life :- - 

1873] Memorial in Hampstead Church. 273 


Born, August 2ist, 1802 ; Died, April 27TH, 1873. 







" Notie of US liveth to himself. " 

The sole survivor of the orphan family of 1806 
might now fairly regard himself as having reached 
old age. The world had thought him an old 
man for many years, for he was old in manner 
and in appearance except for the vivacity of his 
conversation and the fire of his bright grey eyes. 
He had become bald, as some of his brothers did, 
in comparatively early life ; and the fine dome of 
his head was fringed with grey hair. He was 
always taken for ten years older than his real 
age, and as he had never thought it likely that he 
should live to be old, he had none of that sudden 
awakening to the fact that he was an old man which 
some men describe as so disagreeable a revelation. 
He had thought himself old at fifty-five, and so the 
world had thought him ; and at seventy-five he 
probably felt but little older, and was not then 
taken to be older. Advancing years brought no 
change in his habits, except a little more admission 
of the necessity for rest. He was generally to be 


2 74 Samuel Sharpe at Home. [Ch. xiii. 

found at work sitting at the table in his capacious 
drawing-room with his back to the fire, and with his 
translation of the Scriptures or any other work he 
was busy upon, before him, and books of reference 
within easy reach. He turned from his work as a 
welcome visitor came in, looked up with a smile and 
some words of greeting, and often plunged at once 
into talk about some point in which he had been 
engaged, or about the political news, or the com- 
ments upon it in the morning paper (the Daily 
News), or whatever subject he and his visitor had in 
common. Everybody was struck by his eagerness, 
which showed that the age was only in the outer 
part of him and had not penetrated within. 

In the summer he usually spent much time in the 
garden behind his house. There was a favourite seat 
on the south side, where he and his friends sat to 
talk, and where many questions of poHtics, theology, 
archaeology, and lighter subjects, were discussed. 
Near the seat were two picturesque stumps of old 
apple trees which had been cut to serve as stands 
for a telescope. As the stumps grew shaky he 
compared them to the Established Churches of 
England and Ireland, and many a humorous specu- 
lation was indulged in as to whether the old 
stumps or the institutions after which they had been 
named, would last the longest. By an odd coin- 
cidence the stump named after the Irish Church 
toppled over just at the time when the Irish Church 
Act was passed and the Established Church of Ire- 
land was removed. Many sage prophesyings were 
made over the condition of the sister institution 
in England ; but, alas ! the stump tumbled over too 

1870-80.] The Basis of his Character. 275 

soon to suit history, and he did not Hve to see 
that establishment of justice and equality between 
all sects and all opinions in England which is 
still somewhere in the future. The consolation of 
those whose hopes in this matter are disappointed 
is that the longer the realization is delayed, the 
fuller, the more satisfactory and the more com- 
plete will the removal of all symbols of religious 
favouritism be. 

There was much to give satisfaction to a veteran 
in the ranks of political and rehgious reform in all 
these declining years. If he looked with pain and 
disapproval on some of the newer developments of 
rationalistic teaching, he had, at the same time, the 
satisfaction of seeing that there was a steady growth 
of rational religious opinion in the orthodox 
churches. He watched with the deepest interest, and 
pointed out to his friends, all the signs of the decay 
of the old orthodoxy and of the spread of a juster 
estimate of the Bible, and of happier views of the 
position and destiny of mankind. His long study of 
the Bible and his profound admiration for its mojal 
teaching produced in his mind a different feeling 
towards it from that which characterises the ra- 
tionalistic movement generally. He was as distinct 
and definite in his principles of conduct as in any of 
his intellectual opinions. His right and wrong he 
would describe to be the right and wrong of the 
Bible. In conversation he often pointed out how 
the Bible rule of conduct differs from that of every 
other ethical system, in that it allows of no waiting to 
argue, but bids us submit our actions to the Divine 
verdict as .spoken in conscience, leaving to the judg- 

T 2 

276 The Morality of the Bible. [Ch. xili. 

ment only the secondary task of finding the means 
of carrying out the imperative command. He was 
accustomed to say that many of the difficulties which 
are made respecting the Bible arise out of forgetful- 
nessof the Biblical test of a moral act, the approval 
or condemnation of conscience. He believed that 
those who spoke of the Hebrew Psalms as fierce and 
revengeful, and found the early books of Judges and 
Genesis to teach cruelty and immorality, were bring- 
ing to these books a foreign scale of right and wrong 
with which the Bible had nothing at all to do. He 
used to say that though many vicious and wicked 
actions are recorded in the Bible, it would be difficult 
to point out one passage in which a writer recommends 
or even sanctions the doing of anything that con- 
science forbids, except, perhaps, in the single case of 
the words of Elijah to Naaman the Syrian, where 
the prophet seems to excuse and allow the going of 
that officer with his master to bend in worship in the 
temple of Rimmon. 

In this simple rule for distinguishing between right 
and wrong in conduct, he maintained that the Bible 
stood alone and apart from the teaching of any other 
system, ancient or modern. In this rule he believed, 
by this rule he lived himself, and under it he brought 
up his family. The habit of mind thus produced is 
the key to many a silent and otherwise unexplained 
withdrawal from committees of management, trustee- 
ships, societies, and individuals with whom he had 
attempted to work. It explains some of his political 
views. He thought, not only that the current 
morality of so-called Christian civilization is lower 
than it ought to be, but that the reason why the 

1840-80.] 5". Sharpe's Resolute Consistency. 277 

standard is so low is, that honourable men are too 
often willing to do that which is expedient rather 
than that which is just. He felt keenly pained when 
his associates and friends of the Liberal school ap- 
peared to him to be guided by what he called the 
Pagan rule of conduct, instead of doing simply what 
their sense of honour and justice told them to be 
right. Hence he differed from his political and theo- 
logical co-workers on many questions. He showed 
his difference however with perfect good humour. 
He used for example to say of his friend Dr. Lee, of 
Hartwell, who belonged to the Peace Society, but 
was not opposed to the Crimean War, " He is in 
favour of universal brotherhood, after we have taken 
Sebastopol." This stern consistency, as in the emi- 
nent example of Mr. Bright with respect to that 
warj sometimes alienates a man from his party, but 
generally results, as in Mr. Bright's case, in the world 
eventually coming round to his opinion. On many 
points in which Samuel Sharpe was sometimes 
thought crochetty, he proved to be right, both in the 
internal politics (as we may call them) of the 
Unitarian body, and in general politics. It was 
always possible to learn from him what view of any 
question would be taken by a mind which looked at 
it from the solid ground of fixed and definite 
political principle ; and one valued and influential 
friend, who nevertheless frequently disagreed with 
him, gave expression to the feeling produced by his 
resolute consistency by saying in jest, that he came 
to Highbury Place to set his watch. 

During all this period the house at Highbury was 
the centre of a very delightful society. It was the 

278 The Rev. George Skinner. [Ch. xill. 

very place from which all narrow minded people on 
the one hand, and the mere creatures of fashion on 
the other hand, were sure to keep away. Mr. Henry 
Crabb Robinson, and the Rev. Alexander Dyce have 
already been spoken of as among the constant 
visitors at Rogers's Tuesday breakfasts at St. 
James's Place ; but they were also frequently at his 
nephew's house at Highbury. The Rev. George 
Skinner, of Cambridge, who had married a distant 
cousin, was also an occasional visitor, bringing with 
him the latest talk of the University. He was reader 
at King's College, and his exquisite voice and im- 
pressive manner, made his reading perfect. He was 
a great classic, but he was also an immense reader 
of English literature, and seemed to remember all 
that he read. He described it to be his custom to 
go every day to the University Library, where all 
the new books published each week are to be found 
together on a certain table, and to glance through 
them all. He used to say, " I never read reviews, I 
review for myself." No more pleasant visitor, nor 
more genial talker, nor more courteous guest, ever 
came to the well-known house at Highbury Place 
than the Rev. George Skinner. 

The Rev. Thomas Madge had been for many 
years one of the nearest neighbours. For some time 
he had lived next door, and the intercourse between 
the well-known Unitarian writer and the foremost of 
Unitarian preachers had been exceedingly intimate. 
Mr. Madge had retired from the pulpit of Essex 
Street Chapel in i860, after occupying it for thirty- 
four years, as the worthy successor of Lindsey, 
Disney, and Belsham. During those years the con- 

1870.] The Rev. Thomas Madge. 279 

gregation was fully worthy of the chapel which was 
regarded as the headquarters of the Unitarian body. 
It included more persons of high social standing and 
great intellectual distinction than any other Noncon- 
formist congregation in London. Mr. Madge was 
thirteen years older than Samuel Sharpe, and the 
younger man had always looked up to the elder with 
the respect due to his eminence as the chief pastor 
of the Unitarian body in London, and its most 
• popular preacher. For the ten years of his bright 
and happy old age, after his retirement from public 
work, Mr. Madge kept up his lively interest in all 
matters of theology and politics, and was a remark- 
able example of the possibility of keeping the 
ravages of Time to the outer part. Cowley must 
have had just such an old age in view when he wrote 
in the sixth stanza of his ode to Hobbes — 

Nor can the snow, which now cold age does shed 

Upon thy reverend head, 
Quench or allay the noble fires within ; 

But all which thou hast been. 
And all that youth can be, thou 'rt yet, 

So fully still dost thou 
Enjoy the manhood and the bloom of wit, 

And all the natural heat, but not the fever too. 

To things immortal Time can do no wrong. 

And that which never is to die, for ever must be young. 

Mr. Madge died on the 29th of August, 1 870, at the 
age of eighty-three. In the previous year two 
younger men had passed away, the Rev. John James 
Tayler, Principal of Manchester New College, and 
the Rev. Robert Brook Aspland, Secretary of the 
British and Foreign Unitarian Association ; the first 

28o Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Robinson. [Ch. xili. 

at the age of seventy-two, the second at the age of 
sixty-five. It seemed to be a time of great losses to 
Liberal Dissent, for Mr. Tayler, the scholar who 
charmed everybody who knew him by his gentle 
charity, was a striking example of that union of bold- 
ness with reverence, and of new views with old faiths, 
which is the great need of the time ; and Mr- 
Aspland, the skilful reconciler of divergent tendencies, 
whose organizing power had done his sect long and 
valuable service, was in the fulness of his popularity 
and usefulness. When Mr. Madge had followed them, 
the old order seemed changing indeed, and giving 
place to new. Samuel Sharpe's brother-in-law, Mr. 
Edwin Field, died in the next year, 1871, and all 
these losses made him feel like one who had outlived 
many of his friends, though younger men came to 
fill the places of the dead. 

Among the visitors at Highbury at this and an 
earlier time was Mr. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, of the 
Manuscript Department in the British Museum, 
" Alphabet " Hamilton as he reported himself to be 
familiarly nicknamed by his friends. Mr. Hamilton 
published a volume contending for the modern 
character of many of the emendations of Shake- 
speare made by Mr. Collier's " Old Corrector ; " and 
giving fac-similes of what he regards as modern 
pencil lines underneath the corrections which were 
supposed to have been done by Shakespeare's own 
hand, or by the hand of one of his contemporaries. 

Another welcome visitor was Mr. J. R. Robinson, 
Manager of the Daily News. His large literary 
connection, and wide acquaintance with men and 
things, made a talk with him especially valuable to 

1870.] Dr. Birch and Mr. G. Smith. 281 

a man who, like Samuel Sharpe, kept up a very 
lively interest in all the political, social, and literary 
movements of his time, yet lived apart from the 
actual hum and shock of men. Mr. Robinson en- 
joyed the racy criticisms of his host on persons and 
events, and Samuel Sharpe in his turn, was interested 
by the merry and genial talk of an admirable Story- 

Dr. Samuel Birch, of the Antiquities in the Museum, 
was an occasional visitor, and Sharpe often met him at 
the Museum. JDr. Birch never found that the wide dif- 
ferences between his views and those of the Egyptian 
scholar at Highbury made their intercourse less plea- 
sant. He was always ready to enjoy a joke against 
himself, and took the genial banter of his host with the 
kindest good humour. His opponents said of him 
that if a quaint pattern on the window-curtain were 
presented to him as hieroglyphics, he would read them 
straight off. He bore with perfect complacency Mr. 
Sharpe's occasional criticims on the arrangements of 
the Museum, and to the demand for more names, and 
fuller information and explanations to be affixed to the 
objects, for the sake of the unlearned, would gaily 
reply, "Write to the papers.'' Mr. George Smith, of the 
British Museum, came to talk of subjects he and the 
author of the History of Egypt had in common, and 
often surprised the translator of the Bible by his 
intimate knowledge of the Jewish writings. His 
modesty, it might almost be called timidity, was as 
striking as the fulness of his information, while his 
enthusiasm for antiquarian and critical research was 
a point of warmest sympathy between him and the 
veteran student whom he came to consult. His 

282 Mr. Mackay and Mr. Bonomi. [Ch. xill. 

early death was nowhere more lamented than in the 
household at Highbury. 

Many other students and lovers of antiquity 
naturally gravitated towards Highbury, such as 
Mr. R. W. Mackay, author of "The Progress of 
the Intellect," whose transparent simple minded- 
ness gave uncommon charm to his conversation, and 
who was equally at home in discussing Kant, in talk- 
ing over the writings of the Apostle Paul, or in des- 
canting on Plato ; Mr. Poynter, who desired to talk 
over Egypt in preparation for his splendid pictures 
of its antiquities ; Mr. Edward Falkener, who had 
travelled in Greece, had brought home masterly 
sketches, and published a book on Greek Antiquities, 
illustrated with photographs, in dayswhen photographs 
were more rare than they are now ; and, chief of all, 
most welcome of all, Mr. Bonomi, of whom much has 
been already said. On the last page but one of his 
friend's diary, his death in March, 1878, is thus re- 
corded : — 

This month I lost my excellent friend Joseph Bonomi ; 
with whom I had been acquainted above forty years, and 
intimate the larger part of that time; a most cheerful, 
amiable man, generous of his time and faculties, a most 
careful observer in his own path of Egyptian Antiquities. 
Few people ever brought more life and cheerfulness into 
the house. 

A good, deal of life and cheerfulness came also 
with Mr. W. Watkiss Lloyd ; the genial and accom- 
plished author of " The Age of Pericles " and other 
learned works. His conversation, not only on the 
topics which two scholars have in common, but on 

i86o-8o.] Mr. W. Watkiss Lloyd. 283 

public affairs and on current literature, was full of 
interest for the family at Highbury. Mr. Lloyd, in 
a letter to the writer of this biography gives his 
own very valuable and interesting account of this 

When I first knew Mr. Sharpe, I regarded myself as a young 
man cordially accepted as an acquaintance by one much older, 
and though as years went on the relative difference of age be- 
came less and less considerable, I continued to the last to regard 
him with the same feelings which had made me habitually refer 
to him at my own home as Father Sharpe. I was never so for- 
tunate as to have more than one other friend — and he too now 
has gone — with whom I sympathized so entirely on the leading 
interests of our life, and with whom I was so anxious to keep 
myself in sympathy. His learning, his unremitting industry, 
his concentration of his energies on what he believed to be the 
most useful employment of them, were worthy of all admiration. 
But the very central principle of his life, and what was I believe 
the secret of the charm of his society, and of the influence 
that he exercised, was his veneration for truthfulness — for 
sincerity. It was delightful to interchange thoughts with one 
who was ready to listen to any opinion that was entertained 
frankly, and to respond with entire explicitness and frankness 
on his own part. Subjects which could not be comfortably 
mooted elsewhere as to theology or politics, from experience 
that after a second sentence delicate ground was approached, 
and courtesy warned one off, could always be ventured upon in 
his house. He had an innate repugnance to the compromises 
and equivocations by which so many play fast and loose with 
their consciences, and never was taken in by the sophistications 
that help so many to slip comfortably into honours and prefer- 
ments, by public professions inconsistent with their better 
knowledge. After the painful task of keeping one's counten- 
ance and holding one's tongue among people calling them- 
selves educated and even liberal, but as politic in their expres- 
sions and tolerance of expression as a college of augurs, an 
evening at Highbury was like a breath of healthy air. An occa- 
sional thought of what was Mr. Sharpe's standard of truthful- 
ness might always have sufficed to brace a faltering moral tone. 

284 Mary Sharpes Death. [Ch. xiil. 

The years thus filled with happy friendships and 
charming intercourse with appreciativefriends, brought 
their losses. He had survived his brothers and sisters, 
and he was to survive all his own children but two. 
For many years the family at Highbury had consisted 
of the father and three daughters, but in 1877 his 
daughter Mary, the youngest of the three, began to 
show signs of the fatal disease which had carried off 
her two brothers and a younger sister. She died in 
1878, and her death cast a shadow over her father's 
declining years. 




It is inevitable that with the most active of men the 
burden of increasing years should bring some relaxa- 
tion of productive energy. But the story of an in- 
dustrious life, which is the main substance of this 
volume, has no long pause of rest or idleness before 
its close. The river does not lose itself in dead 
marshes before it joins the ocean, but in this case, at 
least, pours itself clear and strong into the tideless 
sea. There were eleven years between the Whitsun- 
tide at which Samuel Sharpe gave up the chair of the 
Unitarian Association to his successor, Mr. C. J. 
Thomas, and that Whitsuntide in which the feeling 
that his work was done proved at last to be prophetic. 
The years as they came brought new interests and 
new labours, and the old man who was advancing in 
his eighth decade was as ready to meet them as he 
had been thirty years before. He was as fresh and 
clear and vigorous in mind, and almost as strong in 
body as he had been in the earlier time. If there 
was any change in him, it was that he grew busier as 
he grew older. As an old man he was as much alive 
to the things about him as he had been in his youth, 
and was more ready to take up new work than he 
had been in middle age. 

286 Notes to the Bible. [Ch. xiv. 

His most constant occupation in these latter' years 
was his translation of the Hebrew Scriptures. The 
second edition of this translation was published in 
1871 ; and a large portion of it was circulated gratui- 
tously. He found that it was very acceptable to 
professors and students in many Dissenting Colleges 
in which Hebrew was carefully studied. Students of 
Hebrew found it valuable as being more literal than 
the authorized version, and their appreciation of it 
encouraged him to further work in its improvement. 
This improvement was always going on. Between 
1 87 1 and 1876 the whole Hebrew Bible was carefully 
and critically gone through a fourth time, and a third 
edition was issued in that year. In this edition a 
number of dates and proper names were introduced 
between brackets, by way of explaining allusions in 
the text. Taken altogether, they added only a couple 
of pages to the bulk of the volume, but, sprinkled 
about as they are, they do much to explain obscure 
passages. " Such few words," he says with great 
truth, "introduced into the text, but with a clear 
mark to show that they are the editor's own, are often 
better than a lengthy footnote." Meanwhile he had 
published in 1874 a small and very useful volume, 
entitled " Short Notes to accompany a Revised Trans- 
lation of the Hebrew Scriptures." These Notes are in- 
tended to elucidate the history, they are geographical 
and antiquarian, and are explana,tory of difficulties 
and contradictions. They are adapted, of course, to 
his new translation, and in some places explain a 
thought which is not to be found in the Authorized 
Version. They constitute in fact a kind of translator's 
commentary, making the meaning clearer that it can 

i87S-] The Smaitic Inscriptions. 287 

be made without insertions in the text. They are 
such notes as Rogers and Byron, and other writers of 
those days, attached to their poems, in order that 
their readers might clearly understand descriptions of 
places and allusions to persons and events. It is 
impossible to read any ancient writings with intelli- 
gence and profit without such explanations ; and 
probably no greater mischief has been done to the 
Bible than its universal circulation without such eluci- 
datory Notes. The unlearned reader cannot know 
to whom or to what the ancient writer is alluding, 
and it is surely the duty of the translator to inform 
him. A passage which seems meaningless or mys- 
terious, is brightened into the most perfect clearness, 
by a single line which puts the modern reader in 
possession of facts which were in the minds of writer 
and readers at the time, and are consequently only 
vaguely alluded to and not told at length. The 
greatest service which can be done to the Bible is to 
make it understood by those who read it now, as it 
was understood by those who read the various books 
when they were written. 

Another occupation of these years was the patient 
putting together of an historical puzzle, in the study 
and attempted translation of the Sinaitic Inscriptions. 
These mysterious sentences have given to the small 
barren plain on the route from Egypt to Mount 
Serbal the name of Wady Mocatteb, or Sculptured 
Valley. The writings are cut in uncouth characters 
on the face of the rocks or the sandstone boulders. 
Various opinions have been formed as to the language 
and the meaning of these inscriptions. Professor 
Beer regards them as the work of Nabatsans, in- 

2 88 The Sinaitic Inscriptions. [Ch. XIV. 

habitants of the district in the fourth century of our 
era ; the Rev. Charles Forster in his " Sinai Photo- 
graphed," supposes them to have been cut by the 
IsraeHtes on their desert journey to the Land of 
Promise, and that they celebrate the miraculous 
cleaving of the Red Sea. The late unfortunate 
Professor Palmer, on the other hand, thought they 
had nothing to do with the children of Israel, but 
were the work of traders and carriers, and were of 
little worth. Quoting these conflicting opinions in 
his preface, Samuel Sharpe points out that not one 
of these writers has satisfied the conditions required. 
" We cannot trust Professor Beer's transcripts with- 
out the translations, nor Mr. Forster's translations 
without transcripts. Professor Palmer's work has 
neither transcripts nor translations. The decipherer 
should produce first an alphabet or table of characters, 
and then to some extent a language, and lastly 
a probable meaning to each sentence." Samuel 
Sharpe endeavours to produce this alphabet, which 
he regards as Hebrew, and reads the inscriptions as 
lamentations and prayers over the ruined and desolate 
condition of Jerusalem. The title of the book is 
" Hebrew Inscriptions, from the Valleys between 
Egypt and Mount Sinai, in their original characters, 
with translations and an Alphabet." The first part, 
published in 1875, consists of the inscriptions copied 
by Mr. G. F. Grey, and printed in 1832 ; the second 
part, published in 1876, is chiefly devoted to the 
inscriptions edited by Dr. Lepsius for the Prussian 
Government in i860. 

The next work, which had been going on at the 
same time with these, was a volume, entitled " The 

1877-] Journeys and Epistles of Paul. 289 

Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul." It is a 
little book of about a hundred pages, with a preface 
in which the principle on which the author has pro- 
ceeded is set forth and vindicated. It is in no sense 
a commentary on the Epistles, but an attempt to 
form a consistent sketch of the Apostle's life, out of 
the scattered biographical details in the Epistles, 
and to harmonize those details with the statements 
in the Acts of the Apostles. The author believes that 
the apparent contradictions which Baur and others 
have pointed out may be almost wholly removed, 
and a better understanding of the Epistles arrived 
at, by correcting a few mistranslated passages, and 
then placing the Epistles in a better order. He 
regards Conybeare and Howson's " Life and Epistles 
of St. Paul " as failing to remove the difficulties and 
disagreements which keener critics have discovered. 
Baur's " Paul," on the other hand, accepts the usual 
arrangement and translation, and very successfully 
points out how the writings hopelessly contradict 
each other throughout. Baur's criticism of the 
Epistles is, however, mainly based on the religious 
and philosophical opinions expressed in them ; and 
Sharpe thinks he would have stood on firmer ground 
if he had relied more on their biographical contents, 
in which they are very rich, and had considered the 
Apostle's opinions after he had settled the order 
of his writings. This is Sharpe's own method. 
He takes the statements of Luke in the Acts of the 
Apostles as a clue to the numerous biographical 
notices scattered through Paul's Epistles. By fol- 
lowing this clue the maze falls into order ; and we 
are enabled, he thinks, to show the Life and Writings 


290 Hebrew Grammar. [Ch. xiv. 

of the Apostle to the Gentiles as a complete and 
harmonious whole, in which every part supports 
the other parts. The biographical notices are so 
numerous, and yet all fit together so satisfactorily, 
that his arrangement, he says, proves itself to be 
correct. In his view, and in the view of those who 
are able to follow his ingenious arguments, no place 
is left for doubt as to the genuineness of any of the 
Epistles, nor of the trustworthiness of those parts of 
the Acts which relate to Paul, nor as to the order in 
which the Epistles are to be placed. 

Another small but laborious work which arose out 
of his translation of the Bible was a short Hebrew 
Grammar without points. This was written in 1876, 
and published in the next year by Messrs. Bagster. 
He says of it : — 

This led to my reading the Hebrew Bible a sixth time 
with a special regard to all grammatical peculiarities, in 
order to enlarge my grammar, and make it useful to more 
advanced students. I felt strongly on the subject of the 
Hebrew points, that they were useless to myself as a 
translator, and troublesome to the learner ; and, moreover, 
that they were misleading for the study of the Hebrew 
mind, as standing between us and the original writers. 
This sixth reading of the Hebrew naturally led to further 
corrections in the margin of my third edition in preparation 
for a fourth. 

While this further emendation of the Translation 
was proceeding, the Book of Isaiah was published as 
a separate volume, with a chronological arrange- 
ment and ample notes. His aim was to explain the 
book historically, hence its several parts were 
chronologically arranged in the order of the events 

1878.] Close of the Diary. 291 

to which they relate, which, he says, is not the same 
as the order in which they were written. Nearly all 
the next year — 1878 — was given to other work. 
The last records in his diary bear the date of March, 
1878, and are exceedingly characteristic of him. 
The first of these contains one of those confessions 
of incapacity for further work which are found in his 
diary in earlier years. The Bible and Hebrew 
Grammar were ready for a new edition. The His- 
tory of Egypt had been stereotyped, and the sixth 
edition, which he justly regarded as the final shape 
the book had taken after the emendations of more 
than half a life-time, had been issued in 1876. So 
he writes in 1878 : — 

I thought it too late to enter upon any new work, or any 
new line of hard study. I therefore turned, for the first 
time in my life, to the reading of new publications as an 
employment. As Lucy Aikin said, "I am reduced to 
Mudie books." 

I who was once as great as Csesar, 
Am now reduced to Nebuchadnezzar. 

I began with Lecky's History of England, a cold dispas- 
sionate book, showing no enthusiasm for what is good, 
scarcely touching the more noble characters of the time, 
while busy with the meanness and selfishness of the states- 
men. A sad contrast to Green's History of the English 

Yet there were, as we shall see, a couple of tasks 
which may be regarded, not only as new work, but 
one of them at least as a new line of hard study. 
He had, indeed, two years before, taken to some 
work which, if not new, was at any rate a reversion 

U 2 

292 The "Christian Life" [Ch. xiv. 

to labour which he had undertaken and dropped 
as distasteful three-and- forty years before. He had 
then assisted in the establishment of the hiquirer ; 
he now did the same for the Christian Life. The 
very last record in his Diary, dated March 1878, is 
the expression of his resolution to keep up the work 
of sending Mr. Spears about a column a week ; and 
the statement of his opinion that "his paper is 
doing good service in keeping alive Unitarian zeal, 
and indeed religious warmth among Unitarians, as 
opposed to the fashionable indifference which leads 
to countenancing insincerity." 

He undertook this writing entirely from sympathy 
with, and respect for, the Rev. Robert Spears. Mr. 
Spears came to London from the North, and to the 
Unitarian ministry from the Methodist body, and 
he brought with him northern energy and Methodist 
zeal. As Assistant Secretary to the British and 
Foreign Unitarian Association under the Rev. R. 
Brook Aspland, and as Secretary after Mr. Aspland's 
sudden death, Mr. Spears had shown an energy 
and an organizing power which had quickened all 
the pulses of the machine. After he resigned the 
secretaryship he started a weekly paper called the 
Christian Life, to be, as he regarded it, the organ of 
those Unitarians who lay especial stress on their 
Christian beliefs. Samuel Sharpe did not agree with 
all the views advocated by Mr. Spears and his 
friends ; but he had a hearty admiration for that 
energetic, earnest, and devoted minister. The friend- 
ship with Mr. Spears was one of the warmest 
personal attachments he formed in his old age. He 
believed that Mr. Spears had had a good deal to do 

1 879-] Two Presentations. 293 

with the new warmth of religious feeling and the 
fresh zeal for their opinions which Unitarians have 
exhibited in recent years. Most of the articles con- 
tributed by Samuel Sharpe to the Christian Life were 
either against agnpsticism in Unitarian pulpits, or 
against indiiTerence among the congregations, and 
their prevailing motive was to urge the bringing out of 
the positive and the Christian aspects of Unitarianism, 
both in the teachings of its ministers and in the life 
and conduct of its adherents. He contributed also 
reviews. Biblical criticism, explanations of difficult 
passages, and other matters of theological and 
antiquarian interest. He continued writing these 
articles till he could write no longer. 

, In the month in which he entered his eightieth 
year the boys of University College School gave 
him a present in the shape of a volume contain- 
ing the photographs of all the six hundred boys 
then in the school, with their masters. It was a 
very well designed recognition of his unparalleled 
services to the school. 

Another presentation which was made in the next 
year was, if possible, even more gratifying, as it was 
a recognition of the general appreciation in which 
his character and work were held all over the country. 
On his eightieth birthday, the 8th of March, 1879, 
he received a call from two of his friends, the Rev. 
Robert Spears and Mr. S. Seaward Tayler, and found 
that they had come as the bearers of an address, 
signed by two hundred and seventy-nine persons in 
all parts of the country, congratulating him on the 
completion of his eightieth year, and expressing their 
admiration for his long and useful life, and thei 

294 -^^ Octogenarian at Work. [Ch. xiv. 

high appreciation of his labours. In presenting it 
Mr. Spears and Mr. Tayler informed him that only 
a few days had been given to the preparation and 
signing of the address, and that the number of signa- 
tures might easily have been increased indefinitely. 
The address, with the names of those who signed it, 
is printed as an appendix to this volume. When the 
presentation of the address was announced in the 
papers he received a number of letters from persons 
who had not had an opportunity of signing it, but 
who desired to join in the expression of regard and 

His eightieth year brought no incapacity for work 
and no indisposition to it. In 1879 he printed the 
Book of Genesis, Chapters i. to xxxii. ; and xx. to 
XXX. 10, in Hebrew without points. The Hebrew 
text is printed after the style of modern books, in 
paragraphs, with full modern punctuation, and with a 
large letter at the beginning of every sentence and 
of every proper name. The prefixes, moreover, are 
cut off and stand as independent words. 

Another little book of the same year, 1879, 
which also arose directly out of the careful study of 
the Bible, was, "An Inquiry into the Age of the 
Moabite Stone." This celebrated relic of antiquity 
is written in Phenician characters in the Hebrew 
language, and many scholars, Dr. Ginsburg among 
them, regard it as genuine. It purports to have been 
written by Mesha, King of Moab, who lived in the 
reigns of Omri, Ahab, and Jehora'm, Kings of 
Northern Israel. Its date is therefore' fixed at about 
850 B.C. Its language is almost that of the Bible, 
and, "if the name of Jehovah," says Mr. Sharpe, 

1 879-] The Moabtte Stone. 295 

" were substituted for that of Chemosh, it would read 
like a chapter of the Book of Kings." This simi- 
larity suggests imitation, and when he finds that it is 
inconsistent in some of its statements with the his- 
torical, facts stated in the Hebrew history, and that 
some of its words have forms which only came into 
use in later days, he concludes that the inscription is, 
probably, the forgery of some prefect of Moab in the 
third century of our era. His very interesting argu- 
ment is summed up in the concluding sentences : — 

We have thus found a time when our Inscription may per- 
haps have been written. It was after Dibon had become the 
capital of Moab ; after the causeway and bridge had been 
made across the Amon valley ; and after the basaltic blocks 
had been carried as far northward as Dibon ; and when the 
sovereign who appointed the prefect of Moab was a Syrian. 
Our aim has been to show that there was a time, many centu- 
ries after the reign of Mesha, with which the characters, the 
language, the subject matter of our Inscription, and even the 
motives of the writer, would all agree ; and thus, to answer the 
question very naturally asked by those who defend this Inscrip- 
tion's genuineness, " If it was not written in Mesha's reign, 
when, and for what purpose, could it have been written ? " The 
date which we propose for it is about a.d. 260, when Odenathus 
was ruler of Syria and the East, as the friend of Aurelian and 
Gallienus ; and the purpose of it was, we suppose, to argue 
that the province of Moab included the land of Reuben. 

This was the work of his eightieth and eighty-first 
years. In his eighty-second year we come to his last 
separate publication — " The Epistle of Barnabas from 
the Sinaitic Manuscript of the Bible, with a Transla- 
tion by Samuel Sharpe." The epistle had claimed 
his notice in the study of Paul's journeyings, " first 
because the two apostles had at one time lived in 
close friendship, and it in part explains why at a later 

296 The Bible Trmislation Complete. [Ch. xiv. 

time Paul's feelings towards Barnabas were changed, 
and, secondly, because it offers the earliest example 
of the Gnosticism which was creeping into the Chris- 
tian Churches, very much to the trouble of Paul." 
He had found no English translation of it that he 
thought satisfactory. Hence he translates it himself, 
and discusses its character and claims in an introduc- 
tion of seven-and-twenty pages. This introduction 
is dated July 21, 1880 ; and the Preface, the nth of 
September. He was then far advanced in his eighty- 
second year. 

He was still working at his Bible, and towards the 
close of" 1880, he had the great satisfaction of seeing 
it complete in one handsome, stereotyped volume — 
"The Holy Bible, Translated by Samuel Sharpe. 
Being a Revision of the Authorized English Version." 
He had dated the Preface on his eighty-first birth- 
day, the eighth of March, 1880. But the production 
of such a volume occupied much time, and the title 
page consequently bears the date of 1881. He 
regarded the completed work with great satisfaction. 
When he saw it, in his finished form, he exclaimed, 
" Now my work is done." So he said to all his 
friends as he showed them the volume. The same 
date, 1881, is on the title page of the Revised 
Version of the New Testament ; which was issued on 
the 17th of May. He welcomed it with satisfaction, 
rejoicing greatly that he had lived to see it. But he 
did not live to criticise it in detail. 

In the Preface to his Bible he gives some account 
of his object in undertaking the work, and of the 
chief features which distinguish his translation 
from others. He says that he has not confined his 

i88o.] ' Improvements in Translation. 297 

care to passages of theological importance, but has 
desired to throw light on ancient manners and 
customs, upon geography and upon antiquities. Of 
the changes in the text he says, laying down a true 
canon of revision, " he has seldom ventured upon 
any great change of words, except where his own 
judgment was supported by scholars who have gone 
before him in Biblical studies." He has given a 
more detailed account of his method of work in a 
memorandum written in 1878. The method has, 
however, been fully described already ; but it may 
be well to reproduce a description of some of the 
results at which he arrived. 

The improvements in the Translation are most marked 
in antiquarian matters, in manners and customs, in geo- 
graphy, natural history, and also in political history, by 
removing vague generalities, and allowing the writers to 
point clearly to persons living in their own time. 

The courts of the Temple are much explained, when 
compared with the knowtj form of the ground, by showing 
in 2 Chron. iv. 9, that the court of the priests was a raised 
terrace. The form and situation of the altar are explained 
by showing in Ezek. xliii. 13, that it had a trench round 
it, of which traces yet remain in the rock under the mosque 
of Omar. 

Much light is thrown on some passages by merely 
tabulating them, as the genealogies at the beginning of 
I Chron., the stations where the Israelites rested in Numb, 
xxxiii., and Solomon's officers in i Kings iv. 

By keeping in use the Babylonian titles, Pasha or 
captain, and Sagin or lieutenant, we are able to show from 
Ezra ii. 6, that a Jew had been appointed to the office of 
Pasha of Moab by Nebuchadnezzar ; and from Isaiah xli. 
25, that the Jews, who accepted the office of Sagin under 

298 Bible Names and Natural History. [Ch. xiv. 

the Babylonians, were hated by their countrymen, and 
from Ezra and Nehemiah that they were not so hated 
under the milder government of the Persians. By correct- 
ing Dan. ix. 25, "while there is an anointed ruler shall 
be seven weeks," we learn how long Zerubbabel was Pasha 
of Judea. 

By writing literally Sons of Adam and Sons of Men, 
we show that some Hebrew writers called the Israelites 
alone Sons of Adam, while the rest of mankind, as in the 
Talmud, are Sons of Men. 

The natural history of the Bible is made interesting by 
the usual names of animals, such as the Crocodile, the 
River-horse, the Buffalo, the Stork, the Ostrich, the Tsaltsal 
Fly of Abyssinia, Isaiah xviii. i, the Parrot, not peacock, 
I Kings X. 22, the Panther and the Horned Serpent, Isaiah 
XXX. 6, where also the African lion is distinguished from 
the lion of Asia, which was better known to the Israelites. 
In plants we have the Ebony, i Kings x. 12, the Sweet 
Cane and the Paper-reed, Isaiah xxxv. 7, and the Water 
Lotus under which the river-horse hides himself, Job xl. 21. 
In the mineral kingdom we have the Iron-stone, out of 
which the mineral oil flows, Deut. xxxii. 13, and the Mixed 
Metal or Alloy, not tin, Isaiah i. 25. 

The parts of Ezra, Daniel, and Jeremiah, that are in 
Chaldee are marked by stars in the margin. The Italics 
mark quotations, as in the Book Nehemiah from Ezra. 

Many passages are made clear by a name placed within 
square brackets. Thus the Servant of Jehovah in Isaiah 
Hi. 13, is said to be Zerubbabel ; he who is to leave a 
meat offering and a drink offering behind him, in Joel ii. 
14, is Tiglath Pilezer ; the Saviours hoped for in Obadiah 
21 are the Persians; she who is to rejoice in Lam. iv. 21, 
is Zion, as is she who is to shout aloud over the PhiHstines 
in Ps. Ix. 8 ; the Anointed One in Ps. ii. 2 is Solomon, in 
Hab. iii. 13 he is Josiah, in Ps. Ixxxix. 38 he is Jehoiachin, 
in Ps. Ixxxv. 9 he is Zerubbabel, as also in Dan. ix. 25 • 
but in Dan. ix. 26 he is king Aristobulus. The King in 

i88o.] Bible Geography. 299 

Isaiah viii. 21 is Hoshea ; as time runs on, in Jerem. xiii. 
18 he is Jehoiakim ; yet later, in Ezek. vii. 27 he is 
Jehoiachin. The Prince in Ezek. vii. 27 is Zedekiah ; in 
Ezek. xliv. 3 and xlv. 7 he is Zerubbabel. The Cruel 
Lord in Isaiah xix. 4 is Antiochus Epiphanes ; and the 
Saviour, in verse 20, who is to deliver the Egyptians by 
merely rebuking him is the Roman Ambassador, Caius. 
Popilius. Some of these passages are prophetical, and the 
name here given may be doubtful; but most of the 
passages are simply historical, and the addition of thfe name 
is quite necessary to enable an ordinary reader to under- 
stand who is being spoken of. 

In geography the route of the Israelites out ai Egypt 
and the identification of Hahiroth with the ruins of Heroo- 
polis, of Rameses with the ruins of Heliopolis, are estab- 
lished by the help of the Roman roads in the Itinerarium 
Antonini, a work intermediate between our modem survey 
of the country and the Book of Exodus. That mount 
Sepher, written, in Gen. x. 30, the Shepher of Numb, xxxiii. 
23, is mount Serbal, is proved by the writing yet remaining 
on it, and by the map which shows how correctly the Arabs 
are described as dwelUng between Mesha, near the south- 
east corner of the Red Sea, and Serbal in Sinai. 

Having in this way prepared my Translation of the 
Hebrew Scriptures for a fourth edition, I then added to 
the New Testament on the same plan a few words of com- 
ment, here and there, placed within square brackets. These 
are a few dates, references in the Epistles to the Acts, 
showing an agreement between the two, where it had 
been very unfairly, as I thought, denied by some German 
critics; also the names of the Roman emperors in the 
Revelation. In this way the Old and the New Testament 
were made alike with a view to printing them together in 
one volume. 

The volume, as has been already stated, was issued 
in the spring of 1881, completing, as he thought, the 

300 Correspondence on Revision. [Ch. XIV. 

work of his life. There had already been ample 
recognition of his labours. Not only had Biblical 
students and scholars found their way to Highbury 
from time to time, but he had considerable corre- 
spondence on the Revision question. Some time 
before the publication of the Revised Version of 
the New Testament, he had printed a short note 
calling the attention of the Members of the Revision 
Committee to one or two points which he thought 
to be important. This drew him into a very inte- 
resting correspondence with two or three of the 
Revisers who paid the venerable scholar the compli- 
ment of giving their own views of the passages in 

The Bishop of Winchester writes a couple of letters 
in November, 1879, stating in some detail the reasons 
why he had strenuously resisted on the Old Testa- 
ment Revision Committee the changing of the words 
" The Lord " into "Jehovah." Mr. W. Aldis Wright 
also expresses his individual opinion that the word 
Jehovah is not the one to use, and his doubt whether 
Jahveh would find favour. The Dean of Rochester 
di.scusses the meaning of some Greek words in the 
New Testament in which he differed from Mr. Sharpe ; 
and expresses his dissent from his views with respect 
to the " Epistle of Barnabas." The late Professor 
E. H. Palmer writes (in December, 1876) to thank 
him for his work on the Sinaitic Inscriptions, and to 
say that he intends to publish all his inscriptions, as 
an appendix to the Ordnance Survey Reports, when 
he can find time, but that for the last year or two he 
has been compelled to put it aside for other, and to 
him, more interesting work. Of the long correspon- 

1879-81.] Other Correspondence. 301 

dence with the Bishop of Natal some account has 
already been given. There are many letters from- 
Professor D. W. Marks, discussing with the most 
careful minuteness of detail obscure points of Hebrew 
scholarship. Dr. Marks disagreed with his corres- 
pondent on the vexed question of the points. He 
was nevertheless the valued friend to whom Samuel 
Sharpe had applied many times during his years of 
Hebrew study and translation for help in difficulties, 
and who never failed him. His great knowledge 
of the Talmud and of other Rabbinical writings 
was always placed ungrudgingly at the service of the 
diligent translator at Highbury. It is worthy of 
remark that both the Bishop of Natal and Professor 
Marks approve of many of his readings of the 
Sinaitic Inscriptions, though the latter considers that 
some of them are more ingenious than true, and is at 
variance with Mr. Sharpe with respect to the date at 
which the inscriptions were written. The Rev. H. R. 
Reynolds, the learned Principal of Cheshunt College, 
also discusses in letters in 1879, 1880, and 1881, some 
points of scholarship, and expresses his sense of the 
great ingenuity of many of the suggestions in the 
"Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul." He 
admits that the view taken of the closing chapter of 
the Romans (the separation from it of verses i — 20, 
containing the greetings to friends, and the finding a 
place for them elsewhere),* does remove many diffi- 

* These verses are separated from the Epistle for the reason 
that " When the Apostle reached Rome as a prisoner he found 
no friends there. These intimate friends belonged not to Rome, 
but to some place where he had already passed some months, 
as, for example, Ephesus." They are consequently regarded as 

302 The Revised Version. [Ch. xiv. 

culties, and points out that it has been accepted by 
Canon Farrar. Dr. Reynolds had sent to Mr. Sharpe 
his own " Life of John the Baptist," and no letters 
were more valued, for their shrewd criticism and wise 
suggestions than those from Cheshunt. 

The very last public matter in which he showed a 
lively interest, was the issue of the Revised Version 
of the New Testament. He had been waiting for it 
with some anxiety, and had ordered a copy from the 
bookseller some time beforehand. The bookseller 
was an hour or two late in delivering it, and one of 
his nieces had the satisfaction of bringing him the 
first copy. He sat down at once to look up the pas- 
sages in which he was most interested, and when 
later in the day other friends came with their copies, 
he had already referred, to the chief points. He 
found that the passages to which he had called 
attention in his own tract, " Controversial Texts Cor- 
rected," had all been rendered in the new translation 
as he desired they should be, except one, and that' 
had the true version in the margin. He at once sent 
off a post-card to his friend, Mr. Spears, of the 
Christian Life, saying, " It is all right ; give the book 
a favourable review." His increasing weakness, how- 
ever, allowed him to do no more than this. He was 
never able to compare the new version with his own, 

" Fragments to Ephesus," and he thinks they " were written 
from the neighbourhood of Cenchrese during the journey to 
Greece (Acts xx. 3), as they were sent by Phebe of Cenchreae ; 
and they were written to a city where Aquilas and Priscilla were 
hving, and where he had gained many friends during a long 
stay." See " The Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul," 
Preface, pp. xi. and xiii. 

i88i.] Signs of the End. 303 

though, had he done so, he would have seen in how- 
many instances his own improvements have been 
adopted, and in how many others he had kept the old 
familiar expression when the Revisers have needlessly 
changed the word without changing the sense. 

In the spring of 1881 he began to show signs 
of the paralysis which was to end his life in the 
summer. It came so gently that no one noticed 
its beginning, but he used to say : " I began this on 
the first of April." What he then began was to 
make odd mistakes in spelling, and afterwards in 
the choice of words. " Think what I am come to," 
he would say laughingly to his family ; " I can't 
spell Bible." He saw from the first that this was 
the beginning of the end, and said so to all his 
friends, but he made no trouble of it, taking it in 
the happiest and most gentle spirit ; and when, later 
on, he had to be helped with a word and the helpers 
could not hit upon the one he wanted, he would 
make a smiling gesture, as much as to say, " It is of 
no use." When the Revised Version of the New 
Testament was issued in the middle of May these 
signs of failing health had become more serious. 
They were not very important at first, and he kept 
on with his usual work, refusing to see a doctor. But 
the power of choosing words grew rapidly less and 
less as the summer advanced, and speedily became 
an almost total inability to find language to express 
his ideas, which were still clear. He understood 
all that was said to him, and tried to answer, but 
failed, and gave it up with a smile. Yet, even 
when the faculty of expression was almost gone, 
it was evident that he clearly understood what he 

304 The Closing Days. . [Ch. xiv. 

meant to say, and on a point on which his view of 
the meaning of a Greek phrase had been disputed, 
and words altogether failed him to explain, he took 
down the grammar, put his finger on the passage, 
and smilingly indicated that what 'he wished to say 
was expressed there. 

These closing months were brightened by his 
patience and genial submission. He enjoyed the 
visits of friends who came to see him, and under- 
stood and appreciated their conversation, though 
he was unable to reply. As paralysis gradually 
came on, it became difficult to get him up and 
down stairs, though he had continued to come down 
into the dining room till within a few days of his 
death. He liked to sit in his armchair upon the 
garden steps, with the calm countenance of the 
great bust of Melpomene before him, and with the 
Hebrew text he had written on the garden wall ^ 
behind him : " Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God 
is one Lord." The lingering was not long. A few 
weeks of increasing infirmity, then a couple of days 
of confinement to his bedroom, and after that the 
end. It was gentle and quiet, as the consummation 
of such a life ought to be — a death by natural decay 
— a coming to his grave, according to the old pro- 
mise, in a full age, like a shock of corn coming in 
in its season. He had been eighty-two on the 8th 
of March, and died on Thursday, the 28th of July, 
having thus lived for four months and twenty days 
of his eighty-third year. 

The funeral took place on the 3rd of August, at 
Abney Park Cemetery. It was conducted by the 
Rev. Robert Spears, who spoke a few appreciative 

i88i.] The Completed Life. 305 

words in the cemetery chapel, and the Rev. Henry 
lerson made a short address at the grave, pointing 
out that sincerity, simpHcity, and devotion to truth 
had been the chief features of Samuel Sharpe's 
character. He was juried in the family vault, 
where his wife and his sister Catherine had been 
placed, and where three of his children lay. There 
was a large gathering of friends, representing all 
the various interests — social, political, antiquarian, 
and theological — which had occupied his busy life. 
There were no needless regrets. All present felt that 
it was a completed life of which they were witnessing 
the closing scene. 


The following is the text of the Address referred to 
in pages 293 and 294. 

To Samuel Sharpe, Esq., of 32, Highbury Place, London, 
on his Eightieth Birthday, March 8th, 1879. 

Dear Mr. Sharpe, — 

We beg you to accept our congratulations and our 
best wishes on your having attained the venerable age of 
eighty years. 

We are persuaded that the causes which, in the order 
of Divine Providence, give to the world an increasing 
proportion of persons of mature age and experience, tend 
to promote public wisdom and virtue and the happiness of 
our race. But it is not merely at the fact of your 
lengthened years that we express to you this day our 
pleasure, for we well remember that your life has been 
filled with deeds of a kind which the wisest and best men 
of all ages and of all countries have never failed to esteem 
and honour. 

It must be to yourself, as it has been and will continue 
to be to many, a gratifying recollection that your pen has 
been engaged for nearly half a century in the production 
of learned and valuable works, bearing especially upon the 
great subjects of Biblical study, on which your researches 
have thrown considerable light ; and that during this period 
you have also manifested the greatest interest in the educa- 

X 2 



tion of the young, and have shown in many practical ways 
your deep sense of the importance of a well trained 
Christian ministry. We gratefully remember that the range 
of your munificence through a long life, has not been con- 
fined to schools and colleges, nor even to churches of 
your own persuasion, which have so largely benefited by 
it, but has been extended to whatever you thought would 
promote knowledge, virtue and true religion amongst man- 

We are glad to believe that an unspotted life of homely 
beauty, of great industry, of loyalty to truth, of Christian 
simplicity and godly sincerity, like your own, that has paid 
court to nothing but what you believed would increase 
learning and wisdom among all classes, — whom you have 
ever regarded as God's children, and therefore brothers 
and sisters, — will always be remembered as a bright and 
encouraging example, and will animate others to use their 
powers and means for the public good. 

May it be the will of our Heavenly Father that you may 
continue with us for many years, and may all your remain- 
ing days be peace. 

John W. Aikin, King's Lynn. 
Thomas Ainsworth, The Flosh. 
L. M. Aspland, London. 
Owen Aves, Mansfield. 
Henry Austin, Cirencester. 
William Andrews, Bristol. 
Alfred P. Allen, King's Lynn. 
Henry S. Bicknell, London. 
George Buckton, Leeds. 
Henry P. Buckler, Tenterden. 
"William Blake, South Petherton. 
Charles T. Bowring, Liverpool. 
Thomas Bowring, Maidstone. 
Addley Bourne, London. 
W. J. Beale, London. 
Jacob Boys, Brighton. 
John Birks, Taunton. 

William Binns, Birkenhead. 
William Butcher, Bristol. 
William Birks, Wolverhampton. 
James Black, Stockport. 
Charles F. Biss, Gloucester. 
Arthur Bromily, Bolton. 
John A. Briggs, St. Leonards. 
Thomas B. W. Briggs, Folkestone. 
William Barnard, Sawbridgeworth. 
William B. Carpenter, London. 
William H. Channing, London. 
Arthur Chamberlain, Birmingham. 
Russell L. Carpenter, Bridport. 
P. W. Clayden, London. 
Thomas Chatfeild Clarke, London. 
Frederick Collier, London. 
Joseph Clephan, Gateshead. 



John A. Crozier, Newry. 
J. Estlin Carpenter, London. 
Charles Clarke, Birmingham. 
Charles C. Coe, Bolton. 
G. S. Coxwell, Southampton, 
George Carter, London. 
Samuel Charlesworth, Sheffield. 
John J. Clephan, Stockton-on-Tees. 
John Crossman, Maidenhead. 
John C. Conway, London. 
Edward Cowell, Canterbury. 
Andrew Chalmers, Cambridge. 
Edwin Clephan, Leicester. 
James Drummond, London. 
Robert B. Drummond, Edinburgh. 
J. Withers Powson, Norwich. 
H. Enfield Dowson, Gee Cross. 
Thomas R. Dobson, Brighton. 
Thomas Dunkerley, London. 
Thomas Davis, Allt-y-placa. 
G. R. Dalby, Preston. 
Edward Enfield, London. 
Frank Evers, Stourbridge. 
Charles Ellis, Maidstone. 
William Earl, Edgbaston. 
John Every, Lewes. 
Jpseph T. EUerbeck, Liverpool. 
William Elliot, Sunderland. 
J. Barker Ellis, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Henry Fordham, Royston. 
T. W. Freckelton, London. 
John Fox, Newark. 
George Fox, Park Lane. 
A. J. C. Fabritius, Dulwich. 
Thomas Furber, Cheltenham. 
W. Fallows, Middlesbrough. 
William Gaskell, Manchester. 
Charles S. Grundy, Manchester. 
Thomas F. Gibson, Tunbridge 

John Gordon, Kenilworth. 
Alex. Gordon, Belfast. 
John Grundy, Bury. 
John. Green, Edgbaston. 

Charles Green, Northwich. 
T. M. Greenhow, Leeds. 
Edward Grundy, King's Lynn. 

D. A. Gibbs, London. 

J. Joseph George, Aberdare. 
William P. Greenway, Dudley. 
Edward R. Grant, Maidstone. 
John Glover, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Benjamin Glover, Huddersfield. 
Orlando E. Heys, Stockport. 
John Page Hopps, Leicester. 
Edward S. Howse, Bowdon. 
Edward Higginson, Swansea. 
James Hopgood, London. 
James Heywood. London. 
Abel Heywood, Manchester. 
Jpseph C. Haslam, Bolton. 
Williams HoUins, Mansfield. 
Thomas Hincks, Clevedon. 
J. Panton Ham, London. 
John J. Hart, London. 
Alexander Hutcheson, Glasgow 
John Hobson, Sheffield. 
Thomas Hunter, London. 
Michael Hunter, Sheffield. 
Richard Harwood, Salford. 
Henry Hawkes, Portsmouth. 
Benjamin Heape, Prestwich. 
Charles Howe, London. 
James Harwood, Manchester. 
Jesse Hind, Nottingham. 

E. C. Harding, Manchester. 
Saunders A. Harris, Plymouth. 
Henry lerson, London. 
Henry Jeffery, London. 
Walter D. Jeremy, London. 
Christopher James, Bristol. 
Charles H. James, Merthyr Tydvil. 
R. Crompton Jones, Sevenoaks. 

T. Fielding Johnson, Leicester. 
Thomas Jolly, Bath. 
Rees C. Jones, Lampeter. 

Courtney Kenny, Cambridge. 

Andrew L. Knox, Glasgow. 



William Kempson, Leicester. 
Richard Kinder, London. 
Timothy Kenrick, Edgbaston. 
William Lawrence, London. 
James Clarke Lawrence, London. 
James Lupton, Leeds. 
Henry Long, Knutsford. 
John B. Lloyd, Knutsford. 
I. S. Lister, London. 
Bernard Lewis, London. 
George D. Longstaff, Wands- 
H. Lunn, Loughborough. 
George Lawford, London. 
Henry Leigh, Swinton. 
George Lucas, Darlington. 
Chas. D. Leech, Bury St. Edmunds. 
Benjamin Lansdown, Trowbridge. 
E. W. Lloyd, Aberdare. 
James Martineau, London. 
David Martineau, London. 
Jerom Murch, Bath. 
Thomas L. Marshall, London. 

C. J. McAlester, Holywood. 
R. E. B. Maclellan, Rochester. 
J. R. Mott, Birmingham. 

J. R. McKee, London. 

Charles Moore, Bath. 

John Ellis Mace, Tenterden. 

D. Maginnis, Stourbridge. 

J. Towle Marriott, Manchester. 

E. J. Morton-, Halifax. 

J. K. Montgomery, Chester. 
Robert McAlmont, Belfast. 
Alexander Mackie, Burnley. 
Henry McKean, Oldbury. 
H. J. Marcus, Heaton Norris. 
E. McCammon, Banbridge. 
John Marten, London. 
M. P. Manfield, Northampton. 
H. J. Morton, Scarborough. 
J. E. Manning, Swansea. 
Alexander Macdougall, Braintree. 
David Matts, Ballymoney. 

Frederick Nettlefold, London. 
Edward M. Needham, Belper. 
Herbert New, Evesham. 
Samuel C. Nelson, Downpatrick. 
David Gordon, Dovmpatrick. 
Robert Nicholson, Bowdon. 
John Orr, Comber. 
A. Follet Osier, Edgbaston. 
W. J. Odgers, Bath. 
J. Edwin Odgers, Liverpool. 
John Owen, Whitby. 
J. Scott Porter, Belfast. 
Andrew Pritchard, London. 
William P. Price, Gloucester. 
Alfred Paget, Leicester. 
Robert N. Phillips, London. 
Joseph T. Preston, London. 
James Philp, London. 
Thomas H. Pargeter, Stourbridge. 
Edward Plimpton, London. 
C. F. Pearson, London. 
William A. Pope, Chelmsford. 
Thomas Prime, Birmingham. 
Charles T. Poynting, Manchester. 
Jesse Pilcher, Manchester. 
Robert Pinnock, Newport, I.W. 
Alfred Payne, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
William Rathbone, Liverpool. 
Thomas Rix, Stratford. 
Harry Rawson, Manchester. 
John Robberds, Cheltenham. 
C. W. Robberds, Bath. 
James Russell, Birmingham. 
J. R. Robinson, Kensington. 
John H. Rowland, Neath. 
Henry Riley, Leicester. 
James Robson, Stockton-on-Tees. 
George Ruck, Maidstone. 
W. Wynn Robinson, Gainsborough. 
William Robinson, Crewkeme. 
Stephen Robinson, Stockport. 
Mark M. Lambert, Newcastle-on- 
Thomas Cooper, Framlingham. 



Henry W. Crosskey, Birmingham. 
S. Alfred Steinthal, Manchester. 
William Spiller, London. 
G. Vance Smith, Carmarthen. 
Thomas Sadler, London. 
William Shaen, London. 
Hugh Stannus, London. 
Henry Solly, Croydon. 
Benjamin Stych, Edgbaston. 
James C. Street, Belfast. 
B. K. Spencer, Southampton. 
Edgar Smallfield, London. 
Thomas H. M. Scott, Dunmurry. 
William A. Snaith, Darlington. 
Edward Swalne, York. 
William Croke Squier, Manchester. 
Richard Shaen, Royston. 
O. A. Shrubsole, Reading. 
J. Hunton Smith, Carmarthen. 
John G. Slater, Manchester. 
William Shakespeare, Ilkeston. 
Robert Spears, London. 
John H. Thorn, Liverpool. 
John Troup, London. 
Charles F. Tagart, Lewes. 
Francis Taylor, Diss. 
Christopher Thomas, Bristol. 
James Taplin, Kingswood, Birpa- 

Stephen S. Taylor, London. 
Frank Taylor, Bolton. 
William Titford, London. 
Ephraim Turland, Ainsworth. 
Samuel Thornton, Birmingham. 
John Tribe, Rochester. 
' N. M. Tayler, London. 
Lindsey Taplin, Todmorden. 

William Thomas, Llandyssul, 
David Thompson, Dromore. 
Thomas Taylor, Taunton. 
Thomas Thomas, Llandyssul. 
George Robert Twinn, Birming- 
Thomas Timmins, Southsea. 
John Taylor, Bolton. 
Charles B. Upton, London. 
William Unicum, Cranbrook. 
Walter Venning, London. 
N. H. Vertue, Teddington. 
Edward Whitfield, Ilminster. 
Charles Wicksteed, London. 
Philip H. Wicksteed, London. 
John Wright, Bath. 
George Withall, Beaconsfield. 
James Wrigley, Windermere. 
J. T. Whitehead, London. 
I. M. Wade, London. 
Henry Williamson, Dundee. 
Thomas Waterfield, Brighton. 
W. Whitelegge, Cork. 
E. Cox Walker, York. 
Charles H. Wellbeloved, York. 
S. Fletcher Williams, Liveipool. 
Charles Woollen, Sheffield. 
Joseph Wright, Nottingham. 
Jeffery Worthington, London. 
W. Carey Walters, Whitchurch. 
Thomas J essop, Sheffield. 
Edwin EUis, Shalford. 
E. Horton, London. 
H. Weston Eve, London. 
Talfourd Ely, London. 
Alex. B. W. Kennedy, London. 
Henry Morley, London. 

\The following is a list of the principal works of 
Samuel Sharpe which were in print at the time 
of his death, with the edition which had been 
reached '\ 

The Holy Bible translated, being a revision of the Authorized English 

The Book of Isaiah, arranged chronologically in a revised translation 

and with historical notes. 
Short Notes to accompany a revised translation of the Hebrew 

The New Testament, translated ftom Griesbach's Text. Thirteenth 

Critical Notes on the Authorized English Version of the New Testa- 
ment. Second Edition.' 
The History of the Hebrew Nation and its Literature. Third 

Text from the Holy Bible explained by the help of the Ancient 

Monuments. Second Edition. 
The History of Egypt from the Earliest Times till the Conquest by 

the Arabs in a.d. 640. Sixth Edition. 
Alexandrian Chronology. 
Egyptian Inscriptions from the British Museum and other Sources. 

216 Plates in folio. 
Egyptian Hieroglyphics ; being an Attempt to explain their Nature, 

Origin, and Meaning. With a Vocabulary. 
Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum described. 
Egyptian Mythology and Egyptian Christianity ; with their Influence 

on the Opinions of Modern Christendom. 
The Decree of Canopus in Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
The Rosetta Stone in Hieroglyphics and Greek. 
Hebrew Inscriptions from the Valleys between Egypt and Mount 

Sinai in their original characters, with translations and an alphabet. 

Parts I. and II. 
The Chronology of the Bible. 
A Short Hebrew Grammar without points. 
The Book Genesis I.- XVIII. and XX.-XXV. 10, without points, and 

with prefixes and suffixes detached. 
The Journeys and Epistles of the Apostle Paul. Third Edition. 
An Inquiry into the Age of the Moabite Stone. 
The Epistle of Barnabas from the Sinaitic Manuscript of the Bible. 

With a Translation. 



Afghanistan, The war in . . . 113 
Aikin, Mis$ ... 30, 189, X92 
'Alexandrian Chronology " . . 217 
Ancient British town. An . . . 241 
" Aroeri-ao, Triple mummy case of" 217 
Authorized Version, Defects of. 77, 253 

Bank robbery . 



Barbauld, Mrs. . 



Lines on Life 


Barnabas, The Epistle of, translated 


Bartram, Mr. R., and the " Inquirer " 


Bathurst, Lord, takes the Prince 

Regent news of his daughter's 



Beaconsfield, Lord, on Ritualis 



Beard, Rev. Dr. 



Belzoni in London 


Birch, Dr. S. . 



Bischoff, James, the elder 


Bonomi, Joseph 



on Sir G. Wilkinson . 


at Crystal Palace. 



and Belzoni. 


his death , 


Brixton Chapel, its Trust-deed 


Brougham, Lord, on Macaulay 


Bunbury, E. H., uses Histo 

ry of 

Egypt without acknow 




Byron, Lord, and S. Rogers 


Canopus, Decree of . 
Carmarthen College . 
Carter, Sir James 
Catholic Emancipation 



Chalmers, Dr 125 

his secession .... 127 
Champoilion's Discoveries . 6r, 62 

Channing, Dr. 41 

Christianity, Corruptions of . . 102 
*' Christian Life," The . . 292, 302 
" Christian Reformer " . . . 128 
"Christian Teacher "first review of 

Sharpe's New Testament 
Cockerell, C. R., on St. Paul's. 
Colenso, Bishop, on the Pentateuch 
diflfers from S. Sharpe 
Correspondence with 

'' Controversial Texts Corrected " 253* 302 
Corn Law Difficulties 
" Critical Notes on the Authorized 
Version of the New Testa- 

ment. ... : 

Crompton, Mr. Justice 
Cromwell, Rev. Thomzis . 
Crystal Palace, The . 

the Fine Art Department . 
the wol-ks at Sydenham 
Sharpe's Egyptian inscription c 
Egyptian guide-book to 
Cogan, Rev. EHezer, his school 
his long life 
Dr. Parr on him . 
Convocation and Revision 
Conquest, Dr., his amended Bible 

Coxe, Dr 

William .... 

Decimal coinage, S. Sharpe opposes. 
Defoe, Daniel .... 
De Morgan, Profess.,, on Dr. Marti' 

Descendants of Philip Henry . 



. 253 
26, 27 








Disraeli, B,, at school ... 28 

his schoolmaster on him . . 28 

Disruption of the Scotch Church . 127 

Dissenters' Chapels Bill . . 154-160 

marriages 50 

registration of births . . • , 53 

Distress in 1842 .... 115, 116 

Dr. Williams's library . , . 205 

S. S. as a trustee . . . 206 

S. S. resigns .... 206 

Dyce, Rev. Alexander . 177, 178, 185 

edits Rogers's " Table-Talk " . 187 

" Early History of Egjrpt " . 64, 68, 69 
" Edinburgh Review " on S. Sharpe's 

style 105 

"Egyptian Antiquities in the British 

Museum described " . , 
" Egyptian Inscriptions," Part I. . 

Part II 

"Egyptian Mythology and Egyptian 

Christianity " . 
" Egypt under the Ptolemies " . 
" Egypt under the Romans' 
Ejected Ministers 
English Presbyterians 
" Essays and Reviews " . 



• 233 

• 73 
89, 104 

12, 13 
14. IS 
. 236 

Fall in gold, S. Sharpe on 
Fellows, Sir Charles . 
Field, Edwin Wilkins 

Lord Selbome upon 

and the Royal Courts 
Field, Rev. W. . 
Field, Rogers . 
Fields, The, of Leam 
Flaxman . 

Portraits by 
Foote, S. . 
Fox, C. J., Miss Aikin on 
Rev. W. J. 

his preaching 

• 195 
40, 43 
. 87 
of Justice 86,87 
40, 86 


» 7 


Gibbon, Edward 

and Christianity , 
Gibson^ Mr. T. Field 

• 179 

103, 104 

. 42 


Gibson (the Sculptor) on Gothic Ar- 
chitecture . . . .221 
Gladstone, Mr., on " Dissenters' 

Chapels Bill" . . . . isS 
Glashan, Thomas .... 80 

Glenelg, Lord 177 

Godwin, W., and Miss Aikin . . 18^ 
Goodwin, Mr. C. W. . . . 237 

Grey, Lord .... 48, 49 

Grote, George 57 

and Cobden ... .76 
Gruner, Mr 95 

Hamilton, Mr. N. E, S. A. . . 280 
Harness, Rev. W. , . . 177, 181 
Harris, Mary . . . . 12, 13 

- Samuel . . . , 13. 14 
Hayley, William . . . 179 
"Hebrew Scriptures Translated" . 229 
Henderson, Dr.. 
Henry, Eleanor , 

— Rev. Matthew . 

Rev. Philip 

Herford, Rev. Brooke 

Hewley case. The 

Heywood's, Mr, James, motion for 

New Version in the House of 
Commons. . , . 211, 213 
Hibbert Trust, The . . . .240 
Hincks, Rev. William . 80, 108, no- 
"Historic Notes on the Bible " . 210 
History made orthodox . . . 103 
"History of Egypt" .... 167 
Edinburgh, Review on . 16S 
"History of the Hebrew Nation'" 249, 251 
Home Missionary Board , . 213, 214 
Hook, Theodore .... 179 
Home Tooke . . . 178, 180, 181 
Howard, John, and Miss Aikin . 190 
Hunter, Rev. Thomas . . . 20& 
Hutton, Mr. R. H., and the "In- 
quirer" Ill 

Rev. Dr 96, 97 

lerson, Rev. H. . . 221, 305 

" Inquirer" newspaper . . . 108 

Editors of m 

its history . . . 109, no, in 
articles in by S. Sharpe . 1 13-128 
" Inquiry into the age of the Moabite 









. 13 


Stone " 





Improved Version (Belsharti's) . 77, 79 
Ireland and Egypt .... 121 
Irish Distress 120 

Janson, Joseph . . . .36, 37, 43 

Halsey . . . . 43, 44 

Jolowicz, Dr. H. . . . 216, 255 
Jones, Mr. Owen, at Crystal Palace 203 

Kelly, Sir Fitzroy .... 32 

Kinder, Mr. and Mrs. . . 41 

Kinder, Mr. R., and the "Inquirer" iii 

Knight, Richard (of Downton) . 15 

Richard Payne .... 15 

Thomas Andrew . . 15 

Knoop, Mr. and Mrs. . . 33, 34 

Lamb, Charles, sonnet on Daniel 

Lawrence, Lord, supports Chunder 

Sen 264 

-: The Misses .... 87 

Lee, Dr. (of Hartwell House) 96, 217, 239 

Yate 42 

Lepsius, Dr 70, 72 

*' Lesson from History," A. . . 121 

Lewes, G. H 207 

Lewis, Sir G. Cornewall, Controversy 

with 231 

Liverpool, Lord. . . . 47 

Lloyd, Mr. W. Watkiss . . .282 
account of S. Sharpe . . . 283 
Londonderry, Lord, rejoicings at his 

death . . . 48 

London District Unitarian Society 201 

S. S. Lectures for . . . 202 

Luttrell, Mr., as a talker . . 92, 180 

Macaulay, Mr., on *' Dissenters' 

Chapels Bill " . 

. . 158 

Mackay, Mr. R. W. . 

. 282 

Madge, Rev. Thomas 

42, 96, 97, 98 

his fine old age . 

■ 278, 279 

his death . 

• 279 


. 42 

Mallet, Miss S. . . 

• 138, 139 

Maltby, Mr. . . . 

30. "73. 174 

Manchester New College . 

• 213, 214 


Mansion House, Who paid for the' . 51 
Marks, Dr. D. W., correspond- 
ence 301 

Marshall, Rev. T. L., and the "In- 
quirer" Ill 

Martineau, Rev- Dr., and University 

College .... 244, 246 
" Ministry of all the Talents " . .47 

Mitchell. Mary 14 

Mitford, Rev. Mr, . . 177, 179, 184 
Moabite Stone, The ... 295 

Moore, Thomas 30 

on S. Rogers .... 92 
Morton, Rev. Charles ... 14 
Mozley's Reminiscences . . . 124 

Natal, Bishop of, on the Pentateuch 238 
Correspondence with . . 239 

Newman, Cardinal, his "Apologia " 124 
Newington Green Chapel . . 14, 15 
" New Testament Translated " . 78, 81 
Nonparochial Registers ... S3 
" Notes to the Bible "... 286 
Numismatic Society .... 96 

O'Brien, Smith, opinions on his con- 
viction ... . . . 177 

and the Irish Confederates. . 198 
Octogenarian, An, at work . . 294 
Oimenepthah, Sarcophagus of 81, 163, 235 
Opie, Mr. and Mrs. . . . i, ir 

Oxford Movement, The . . . 124 

Palmer, Professor, on Sinaitic In- 
scriptions . . . 288, 300 
Parker, Mr, Reginald ... 42 
Parr, Dr., on Mr. Cogan's scholar- 
ship . . . . . .28 

" Parthenon," Letters to . . 231, 232 
" Paul, Journeys and Epistles of" . 289 
Peel, Sir R. ... 114, 158 

Pettigrew, Mr. 218 

Piozzi, Mr. . . 20 

Porson, Richard . . . i, 8, 30 
at London Institution . . . 196 
Portlnck, Colonel, on D. Sharpe 148, 150 
Presbyterian chapels, how they be- 
came Unitarian . . 154 
Price, Rev. Dr. Richard . . 15, 16 




Priestley, Dr. . 

17, 20, 155 

Purchas, Catharine . 

. 2. S 

Puseyism . 


Radford, Mary . . .12, 15 

Daniel . . . .12, 13, 15 

' Samuel .... 13 

Rameses II., statue given to Museum 235 

Reform Bill, Agitation for 

The era before the 

Who fought the battle 
R^nouard, Dr. . ... 
Rents and the Com Law . 
Revised Version of the New Testa- 

Petition for . . . 
Reynolds, Rev. H. W., Correspond- 
ence with 

Roberts, President .... 
Robertson, Professor Croom 
Robinson, H. Crabb, on S. Sharpe . 







his Diary quoted . 177, 178, 197 
his character . 92, 184, 185 

letter quoted .... 197 

Mr. J. R 280 

and the " Inquirer " . . . 111 

Rogers, Daniel, C. Lamb's sonnet 

— Henry 
his character 

— Maria . 
her marriage 

— Samuel 
his youngest sister 
on Sutton Sharpe 
and the American War 
on his father 
on his brother Thomas 
his education 
desires to be a minister 
his friends . 
unpublished poem of . 
on the death of his sister, Maria 

on Wilkinson 

encourages S. Sharpe to publish, 
congratulation to a young author 
his Tuesday breakfasts gi, 175, 177 
his guests ... -92 

Recollections of . . . 93, 94 
his nephew Sutton . . 132, 137 
puts down his carriage . . 166 


20, 24 




Rogers, Samuel, calls on Dr. Johnson 174 
on the aristocracy . . . 176 
table-talk .... 178-184 
and Archbishop Howley . • _i74 
and Gary's pension . . . 175 
on Campbell's funeral . . . 175 
on burial in the Abbey . 175, 188 
quotes Home Tooke . . 177, 178 
on William Hayley . . . 179 
quotes Brougham's estimate of 

Macaulay 179 

criticism on Gray . . . iSo 
praises Luttrell's conversation . 180 
at Winchester with E. Maltby . i8r 
and Lord Campbell . . . 181 
at Lord Bathurst's . , . 182 
with Lord Bjrron . . , 183 

in Italy 183 

in Canterbury Cathedral . . 183 
his Brighton visitors . . 184 

his old age ... .185 

and Wordsworth .... 186 
his death ... . 186 

Mr. Dyce's "Table-Talk " . 187 
Mr. W. Sharpe's "Recollections" 188 
Miss Aikin on his wit . . . 190 

■^^ Sarah 94 

■ ■ Thomas .... 14, 15 
the younger . . . 15 

his politics 16 

Samuel Rogers on his death . 17 
Roscoe, Henry ... .42 

Rosetta Stone, The . . 61, 62, 257 

Rothschild, Baron .... 179 
Russell, Lord John ... 49, 183 
on Dissenters' Chapels Bill . 158 

Scharf, Mr. George .... 85 
Seward, Miss, the Poetess, . 179 

Sharp, R. (''Conversation") . n, 94 
Sharpe, Catharine, elder half-sister of 

S. Sharpe . . . 2, 3, 5 
feeling towards her stepmother . 3 
her courage and devotion . . 4, 26 
her journal . 6, 25, 26, 35, 37, 38, 39 
Flaxman's portrait of her . .11 
Letters from abroad . . 139, J41 

her last days . . . 144^ 145 

Daniel, F.R.S., translates Lyci- 

an Inscriptions 60, 85 
President of Geological Society 56 
in the City ^9 



Sharpe, Daniel, Col. Portlock on 149, 150 
Lord Wrottesley on . . 151, 152 

— Henry, birth . 
schooling . 
at Hamburg 
in business . 
Marriage of 
•work at Harapstead 
Memorial in Hampstead Church 273 

^— Joseph . , . S, 6, 7, 9, 10 

his family 44 

— ^ Maria 22 

Rogers on her death ... 22 
— ^ Mary => 33 

marries Mr. E. W. Field . 


- ■ ■ Samuel, his birth 

his Puritan ancestry . 

goes to school 

goes to business . 

his punctuality . 

Life in New Ormond Street 

made partner in the bank . 

meets Dr. Channing . 

Marriage .... 

settles at Canonbury . 

political liberalism 

on Dissenters and the Corpora- 

a Theological Nonconformist 

and W. J. Fox . 

on Cells of Honeycomb 

on the Fort of Dunnochgoil 

and Mr. Grote . 

at Clement's Lane 

his studies at home 

with his brothers 

Egyptian studies 

his contributions to Egyptology 

A heretic among Egjrptian scho- 

and H. Crabb Robinson 

his recreation 

on his brother Daniel . 

at Leamington . 

Father and children . 

at Rogers's breakfasts 

Theological views . . 

on Unitarians and Unitarianism. 99 

his style 106 

unpaid literary work . . .107 

his conversation .... 107 

" Inquirer " articles . 113 to 127 


271, 272 

. 40 

40, 41 
12, 13 
. 26 
. 29 

• 31 
. 36 

• 39 

• 41 

48, 49 


86, 87 
. . 89 
91. 175, 278 


Sharpe, Samuel, on Sir R. Peel . 118 

on ritualism 123 

on Dr. Chalmers .... 127 

and the Dissenters' Chapels Bill 159 

on University Hall . , 160 

on Syro-Eg3T)tian Society . . i6r 

and the bank robbery . , . 164 

Work with Mr. Bonomi . . 170 

and Mr. Maltby . . . 173 

and Samuel Rogers . . . 175 

Life of S. Rogers ... . 1S8 

and Miss Aikin 189 

on the fall in gold . . . 195 

Death of his wife . . ,, . 199 

thinks his work done at fijfty-five 208 

on the Bible 209 

retires from business . • . 222 
his noble resolution . . . 223 
gifts to Univelrsity College 224, 243 
and Unitarianism at Hastings 225, 226 
Old Testament translation . . 228 
Examiner for Hibbert Trustees . 240 
supports Dr. Martineau at Uni- 
versity College . . . 245 
On Revision of the Authorized 

Version ... . 253 
his busy old age .... 256 x 
his dislike of florid services . 259 
his views of worship . . . 259 
at Free Christian ^Church, Ken- 
tish Town .... 260 
on Sermons . . . . 260 
President of the Unitarian Asso- 
ciation 263 

and Chunder Sen . . . 264 

an old man 273 

at home in old age . 274 
Basis of character . . . 275 
and Bible morality . . . 276- 
his consistency .... 277 
and the ' ' Christian Life . 292 
Presentations to . . . . 293 
and Revd. R. Spears. . . 293 
in his eightieth year . . 294 
his Bible completed . . . 296 
his work done . . . 296 
Features of his translation . 297 
Correspondence on Revision . 300 
gets the Revised New Testa- 
ment 302 

failing health . . . 303 

last illness 304 

death 304 




Sharpe, Samuel, funeral . . . 305 

r Sarah . 36. 43. 44. 52 

Sutton, the elder 

marries Rogers's sister 

her character . • ■ 3 

his death . . . 2. 23 

his eldest daughter ... 3 

his character • • • 3 

his family . ... 5 

forms Rogers's taste for art. , 7 

friendship with Porson 

a political Reformer . 

Flaxman's portrait 

in Paris with S. Boddington 

death of his second wife 

■ Sutton, the younger . 

his schooling . . . .26 
is articled . ... 32 

his professional fame . . 131 

becomes Q.C. . . . 131 

leads in V.-C. Wigram's Court . 131 
" Morning Chronicle" on his 

career 132 

" Examiner " ditto , . . 132 
" Law Magazine" ditto . . 133 
his illness and death . . . 135 

William, birth 

schooling 34 

marriage 147 

executor of Rogers . , . 186 
edits Rogers's " Recollections" . 266 
on a Bankruptcy Bill . . 267 

Incorporated Law Society, on . 268 
his death . . . . 269 

Shiel, R. L., on Dissenters' Chapel; 

Bill . . . 157 

"*' Sinaitic Inscriptions" . . . 287 
Sinnot, John . . . , 90, 91 
Skinner, Rev. George . , , 278 
5mith, G. (of British Museum) 

Sydney . . . 177J 

on Lord J. Russell 
on B. Travers 
Speaker's Commentary 



Spears, Rev. Robert . 258, 261, 263, 292 
Spiritual Resurrection, The 
Slavery abolished 
.Stansfeld, Right Hon. J. . 
Stothard, S. . . . 

Tagart, Mrs. 

Taxes on Knowledge 

Tayler, Rev. J. J., and S. Sharpe 




I, ^t 


Taylor Edgar, his New Testament 79, 80 
Test and Corporation Acts repealed 50 
"Texts from the Bible explained by 

the Ancient Monuments " . 248 
Tooke, Home, stories of 177, 178, i8r 
Towers, Rev. Dr . . .16 

Towgood, Mr. and Mrs. John . 11, 20 
Travers, Benjamin, at Garston . 197 

Trevelyan, Mr., on Unitarians . . 269 
Trinity, Doctrine of the . , . 102 

"Unitarian Herald "... 214 

Unitarian, as a denominational name 99 

Who is a 100 

Unitarianism legalized . . 155 
Unitarianism, what it is . . 99 
Unitarians, Why an " over-repre- 
sented sect " . . . 270 
Unity Church, Islington . . . 221 
University College . . 224 
Gifts to ... . 224, 243 
University Hall founded . 160 

Vance Smith, Rev. Dr. . . . 220 

on the Revision Committee . 254 

*' Vocabulary of Hieroglyphics " .' 71 

Watts, Dr., change of opinion . . 196 
Wedgwood, Miss Aikin, on . . 191 

West Benjamin 11 

Williams's, Dr., Library . .13, t6 

and Dissenters' Registrations . 53 

Williams, Helen Maria 11, 37 

Wilkinson, Sir J. Gardner . . 64 

his books on Egypt ... 64 

his kid gloves .... 65 

his waistcoats .... 65 

Winchester, Bishop of, on the word 

Jehovah 300 

Wood, W. Rayner .... 95 

Rev. T. resigns Brixton 

Chapel ... .98 

Wordsworth, W., on some lines of 

Mrs. Barbauld's . 186 

Wright, Rev. John . . . 215 

Wrottesley, Lord, on D. Sharpe . 151 

Yates, James, F.R.S. . 240, 241 

Young, Dr., discovers the clue to the 

hieroglyphics ... 61, 62 




I, Paternoster Sqaafi, 







General Literature. . 2 
International Scientific 

Series . . , .29 
Military Works. , . 31 


Poetry 34 

Works of Fiction . . 43 
Books for the Young , 44 


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Frontispiece. Royal i6mo, is. 6d. 

BONWXCK, y., F.R.G.S.—T-ti.Q Tasmanian Lily. With Frontis- 
piece. Crown Svo, 5^. 

Mike Howe, the Bushranger of Van Diemen's Land. New and 
Cheaper Edition. With Frontispiece. Crown Svo, 3J. 6d. 
Brave Men's Footsteps. A Book of Example and Anecdote for 
Young People. By the Editor of "Men who have Risen." With 
4 Illustrations by C. Doyle. Seventh Edition. Crown Svo 
3^. 6d. ' 

Children's Toys, and some Elementary Lessons in General Knowledge 
which they teach. Illustrated. Crown Svo, Jj. 

COLERIDGE, Sara. — Pretty Lessons in Verse for Good 
Children, with some Lessons in Latin, in Easy Rhyme A 
New Edition. Illustrated. Fcap. Svo, 3^. 6d. 

Kegan Paid, Trench & Co's Publications. 45 

COXHEAD, £M«/.— Birds and Babies. Imp. i6mo. With 33 
Illustrations, Cloth gilt, zs. bd. 

D'ANVERS, JV. ^.—Little Minnie's Troubles: an Every-day 
Chronicle. With 4 Illustrations by W. H. Hughes. Fcap. 8vo, 

Parted : a Tale of Clouds and Sunshine. With 4 Illustrations. 
Extra fcap. 8vo, 3^. 6</. 

Pixie's Adventures ; or, the Tale of a Terrier. With zi 
Illustrations, i6ino, 4;. 6d. 

Nanny's Adventures : or, the Tale of a Goat. ,With 12 
Illustrations. i6ino, 4s, 6d, 

DAVIES, G. Christopher. — Rambles and Adventures of our 
School Field Club, With 4 Illustrations. New and Cheaper 
Edition. Crown 8vo, 3J. dd. 

DRUMMOND, Miss.— Trip-p's Buildings, A Study from Life, with 
Frontispiece. Small crown 8vo, 3^. 6d. 

EDMONDS, Herba't.—SHeW Spent Lives : a Series of Modern Bio- 
graphies. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 3J. 6d. 

EVANS, Mark. — The Story of our Father's Love, told to Children, 
Fourth and Cheaper Edition of Theology for Children. With 4 
Illustrations. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d. 


I. Elsie Dinsmore, Crown 8vo, 3^. dd. 
II. Elsie's Girlhood. Crown 8vo, 3^. (id. 
III. Elsie's Holidays at Roselands, Crown 8vo, 3^. (>d. 

HERFORD, Brooke.— T^y^ Story of Religion in England : a Book 
for Young Folk. Crown 8vo, 5^. 

INGELOW, y«a».— The Little "Wonder-horn. With 15 Illustra- 
tions, Small 8vo, 2s. dd. 

JOHNSON, Virginia J^— The Catskill Fairies. Illustrated by 
Alfred Fredericks, 5^. 

KER, David.— The Boy Slave in Bokhara: a Tale of Central 
Asia. With Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition, Crown 
8vo, 3^. 6d. 

The T?Vild Horseman of the Pampas, Illustrated,, New 
and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 3^, 6d. 

LAMONT, Marlha MacDonald.—T:y\& Gladiator : a Life under the 
Roman Empire in the beginning of the Third Century. With 4 
Illustrations by H. M. Paget. Extra fcap. 8vo, y- ("i- 

LEANDER, Richard.— Fantaslic Stories. Translated from the 
German by Paulina B. Granville. With 8 Full-page Illustrations 
by M. E. Fraser-Tytler. Crown 8vo, 5s. 

46 A List of 

LEE, Holme. — Her Title of Honour. A Book for Girls. New 
Edition. With a Frontispiece. Crown Svo, 5^, 

LEWIS, Mary A.— Pi. Rat -with Three Tales. New and Cheaper 
Edition. With 4 Illustrations by Catherine F. Frere. 3J. td. 

MAC KENNA, S. 7.— Plucky Fellows. A Book for Boys. With 
6 Illustrations. Fifth Edition. Crown Svo, 3^. dd. 

At School -m-ith an Old Dragoon. With 6 Illustrations. New 
and Cheaper Edition. Crown Svo, y. (td. 

Mc CLINTOCIC, Z.— Sir Spangle and the Dingy Hen. Illus- 
trated. Square crown Svo, 2J. dd. 

MALDEN, H. £.— Princes and Princesses : Two Fairy Tales. 
Illustrated. Small crown Svo, 2j. dd. 

Master Bobby. By the Author of " Christina North." With 6 Illus- 
trations. Fcap. Svo, y. 6d. 

NAAKE, y. T. — Slavonic Fairy Tales. From Russian, Servian, 
Polish, and Bohemian Sources. With 4 Illustrations. Crown 
Svo, Sj. 

PELLETAN, ^.— The Desert Pastor, Jean Jarousseau. Trans- 
lated from the French. By Colonel E. P. De L'Hoste. With a 
Frontispiece. New Edition. Fcap. Svo, 3J. dd. 

REANEY, Mrs. G. .?.— "Waking and "Working ; or, From Girlhood 
to Womanhood. New and Cheaper Edition. With a Frontis- 
piece. Crown Svo, 3^. dd. 

Blessing and Blessed: a Sketch of Girl Life. New and 

Cheaper Edition. Crown Svo, 3^. 6d. 

Rose Gurney's Discovery. A Book for Girls. Dedicated to 
their Mothers. Crown Svo, 3^. 6d. 

English Girls ; Their Place and Power. With Preface by the 
Rev. R. W. Dale. Third Edition. Fcap. Svo, Zs. dd. 

Just Anyone, and other Stories. Three Illustrations. Royal 
l6mo, I J. dd. 

Sunbeam Willie, and other Stories. Three Illustrations. Royal 
l6mo, IS. dd. 

Sunshine Jenny, and other Stories. Three Illustrations. Royal 
lomo, \s. dd. 

ROSS, Mrs. E ("Ndsie Brook ") -Daddy's Pet. A Sketch from 
Humble Life. With 6 Illustrations. Royal i6mo, \s. 

SADLER, S. W., iP.iV.-The African Cruiser: a Midshipman's 
Adventures on the West Coast. With 3 Illustrations. New 
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Kegan Paul, Trench & Co.'s Publications. 47 

Seeking his Fortune, and other Stories. With 4 Illustrations. 
New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 2s. dd. 

Seven Autumn Leaves from Fairy Land. Illustrated with 9 
Etchings. Square crown 8vo, 3^. (xi. 

STOCKTON, Frank X.—A Jolly Fellowship. With 20 Illustra- 
tions. Crown 8vo, Sj. 

STORR, Francis, and TURNER, ^aw«.— Canterbury Chimes; 
or, Chaucer Tales retold to Children. With 6 Illustrations from 
the EUesmere MS. Second Edition. Fcap. Svo, y. 6d. 

STRETTON, Htsha.—TtSMxd. Lloyd's Last 'Will. With 4 Illustra- 
tions. New Edition. Royal ,i6mo, 2s. 6d. 

The 'Wonderful Life. Sixteenth Thousand. Fcap. Svo, 2s. 6d. 

Sunnyland Stories. By the Author of "Aunt Mary's Bran Pie.' 
Illustrated. Second Edition. Small Svo, y. 6d. 

Tales from Ariosto Re-told for Children. By a Lady. With 3 
Illustrations. Crovm Svo, 4J. 6d. 

WHITAKER, /7or«««.— Christy's Inheritance. A London Story. 
Illustrated. Royal l6mo, \s. 6d. 

ZIMMERN, ^—Stories in Precious Stones. With 6 Illustrations. 
Third Edition. Crown Svo, Jj,